The 2000 presidential election in Taiwan constitutes a crucial event in Chinese political history: for the first time a leader of the opposition had been elected a president of the country. Nothing similar happened in any Chinese political community in the 20th century. It was also a rare phenomenon in East Asia. The Author presents this event in the context of Taiwanese history. Until the 1970's the political system in Taiwan could be characterized as a Leninist type totalitarian state of the nationalist and anti-Commu nist orientation. In this respect it was a „twin-brother" of the Maoist system in the mainland, although its political orientation significantly differed and it functioned within the American camp", not the ,,Com munist". The Author acknowledges its peculiar characteristics related to a much more pronounced role of the army than in other post-Leninist systems and an impact of the Chinese traditions of secret societies on Kuomintang (although similar features can also be detected in the CPC in the mainland). However, the Taiwanese totalitarian system in the two respects is unique in the world: it granted unprecedented economic growth and evolved into a democracy, whereas all other totalitarian systems collapsed or have been defeated in the course of wars initiated by them. The only comparable system is the Communist regime in the mainland that follows a similar path, although its evolution in the same direction is much less advanced. Thus the fate of the Asian post-Leninist totalitarian systems appears entirely different than of European ones. Initially Taiwan passed to a system similar to the Japanese-type democracy of one ,,dominant party", always in power, although the citizens have granted political freedom, free elections and the free press, In Taiwan, however, the ruling Kuomintang preserved its Leninist characteristics and did not undergo democratization. The 2000 presidential election at which a leader of the opposition won the race also follows the „Japa nese pattern": it was a result of the deep crisis and divisions within the ruling Kuomintang, not the result of achieving of the majority support by the opposition. Of course, there are significant differences, since the Taiwanese system is semi-presidential, whereas the Japanese's of the par liamentary-cabinet type. Thus the two options for the future are open: a return to the dominant-party system, as it happened in Japan after the 1993 crisis, or an evolution into an „alternative democracy" of the We stern type with the opposition and the ruling parties winning in the turn. This would constitute the first such a case in East Asia. A return to the dominant-party system would be difficult in Taiwan, since this would require a deep democratic transformation of the Kuomintang itself and a substantial revision of its ideology inherited from the past, now obsole te and rejected by younger generations. The Author also pints out some particular features of the Taiwan's democracy: personal and local bounds as well as a division of the polity into „political tribes” that in public demonstrate their political options (against the Western tradition of secret and strictly individual choice). Also other unique factors are present: the sharp ethnic division of the Taiwanese into the three distinct groups (the Mainlanders, the Fulaos and the Hakkas) and the problem of the divided Chineseness" intermingled with a political confrontation with the PRC. The Author presents the political options elaborated in Taiwan towards the solution of the problem of the „Chinese statehood”, that is various versions of the „unification" and “independence" policy. The election during which the candidates presented their options in this respect could be interpreted as the test of the real preferences of the Taiwanese. The Author also presents some surveys of the public opinion conducted in Taiwan in the 1990's. In his opinions all the electoral tests and surveys demonstrate that the „independence" option enjoys the support of small minority, and that the unification is the only possible way, although its term and timing remains open. The development of the economic cooperation with the mainland and its growing role in Taiwanese economy further strengthens this inevitable course of events. The Author concludes that with passing of time the position of Taiwan will weaken, thus the sooner the negotiations with the PRC will start, the better terms could be obtained for the island. The unification of China could offer to the mainland a unique possibility of abandoning its Communist symbols and could accelerate its political evolution towards a more pluralistic and democratic society. Thus the Ta iwan's policy is of a great significance to East Asia.