NON-RHOTICITY OR WHERE IS THE HISTORICAL r LURKING?
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The aim of the paper is to explore two sandhi phenomena of r-zero alternation, i.e. linking and intrusive r. The author addresses the question of lexical representation of etymologically r-less and r-full forms participating in the processes. Moreover, he discusses the influence of historical r on both vowel quality and quantity and explains some developments of etymologically r-full forms which have led both to the confined distribution of r and various vocalic reflexes in non-rhotic dialects.
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