PL EN


2010 | XII | 67-80
Article title

DEFAULTNESS PATTERNS: A DIACHRONIC ACCOUNT

Content
Title variants
Languages of publication
EN
Abstracts
EN
Most approaches to inflectional morphology propose a synchronic account for the establishment of defaultness in the plural inflection. The current research aims at exploring the representation of the default system in JA at a diachronic level. The grammar of JA displays two default plural forms: the sound feminine plural marked with the suffix -aat (e.g. mataar/matar-aat ‘an airport/airports’) where a suffixation rule predicts the occurrence of the default plural. The second default plural is the iambic broken plural marked with an internal vowel change (short – long vowel) (kursi/karaasi ‘a seat/seats’). Our diachronic analysis would take into account the default shift that occurred in the grammar of JA in two different periods: the Turkish period and the British period. The findings reveal the importance of the diachronic factors in determining the status of ‘defaultness’ in terms of the ability of the lexicon to accept two default inflections. So, JA consists a hierarchy that contains two defaults: the iambic broken plural and the sound feminine plural. This mechanism of accepting two defaults gives insights into applying this multiple default format crosslinguistically in which a grammar of a language can host a multiple default system.
Year
Volume
XII
Pages
67-80
Physical description
Dates
published
2010-12-01
Contributors
  • The Hashemite University, Zarqa, Jordan Department of English Language, Literature and Cultural Studies
  • The Hashemite University, Zarqa, Jordan Department of English Language, Literature and Cultural Studies
  • The Hashemite University, Zarqa, Jordan Department of English Language, Literature and Cultural Studies
References
  • Ababneh, J., Prokosch, E. (1997). Ottoman Loanwords in Jordanian Arabic. Grazer Linguistische Studien 48, 1–7.
  • Berent, I., Pinker, S., Shimron, J. (1999). Default Nominal Inflection in Hebrew: Evidence for Mental Variables. Cognition 72, 1–44.
  • Brian, D.J. (1998). Diachronic Morphology. In: A. Spencer, A.M. Zwicky. The Handbook of Morphology. Blackwell Publisher.
  • Butros, A.J. (1963). English Loanwords in the Colloquial Arabic of Palestine (1917-1948) and Jordan (1948-1962). PhD. Dissertation. Columbia University, 88–228.
  • Bybee, J. (1985). Morphology. A Study of the Relation Between Meaning and Form. Amsterdam, John Benjamins.
  • Bybee, J. (1995). Regular Morphology and the Lexicon. Language and Cognitive Processes 10, 425–455.
  • Bybee, J. (1999). Use Impacts Morphological Representation. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 22, 1016–1017.
  • Bybee, J., Moder, C. (1983). Morphological Classes as Natural Categories. Language 59, 251–270.
  • Clahsen, H. (1999). Lexical Entries and Rules of Language: A Multi-Disciplinary Study of German Inflection. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 22, 991–1060.
  • Clahsen, H., Eisenbeiss, S., Sonnenstuhl, I. (1997). Morphological Structure and the Processing of Inflected Words. Theoretical Linguistics 23, 201–249.
  • Clahsen, H., Rothweiler, M., Woest, A., Marcus, G. (1992). Regular and Irregular Inflection in the Acquisition of German Noun Plurals. Cognition 45, 225–255.
  • Farghal, M., Al-Khatib, M. (1999). English Borrowings in Jordanian Arabic: Distributins, Functions and Attitudes. Graze Linguistische Studien 52, 1–18.
  • Halle, M., Marantz, A. (1993). Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection. Cambridge/MA, MIT Press.
  • Holes, C. (1995). Modern Arabic. London, Longman.
  • Marcus, G. (1998a). Can Connectionism Save Constructivism? Cognition 66, 153–182.
  • Marcus, G. (1998b). Rethinking Eliminative Connectionism. Cognitive Psychology 37(3), 243–282.
  • Marcus, G., Brinkmann, U., Clahsen. H., Wiese, R., Pinker, S. (1995). German Inflection: The Exception that Proves the Rule. Cognitive Psychology 29, 189–256.
  • Marcus, G.F., Pinker, S., Ullman, M., Hollander, M., Rosen, T., Xu, F. (1992). Overregularization in Language Acquisition. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development. Serial no. 228, Vol. 57.
  • Plunkett, K., Marchman, R. (1993). From Rote Learning to System Building: Acquiring Verb Morphology in Children and Connectionist Nets. Cognition 48, 21–69.
  • Plunkett, K., Nakisa, C. (1997). A Connectionist Model of Arabic Plural System. Language and Cognitive Processes 12, 807– 836.
  • Prasada, S., Pinker, S. (1993). Generalisation of Regular and Irregular Morphological Patterns. Language and Cognitive Processes 8, 1–56.
  • Ratcliffe, R. (1998). The ‘‘Broken’’ Plural Problem in Arabic and Comparative Semitic: Allomorphy and Analogy in Non-Concatenative Morphology. Amsterdam, John Benjamins.
  • Ravid, D., Farah, R. (1999). Learning About Noun Plurals in Early Palestinian Arabic. First Language 19, 187–206.
  • Rumelhart, D.E., McClelland, J.L. (1986). On Learning the Past Tense of English Verbs: Implicit Rules or Parallel Distributed Processing? In: J.L. McClelland, D.E. Rumelhart, The PDP Research Group (eds.). Parallel Distributed Processing: Explorations in the Microstructure of Cognition. Vol. 2. Cambridge/MA, MIT Press.
  • Say, T., Clahsen, H. (2002). Words, Rules and Stems in the Italian Mental Lexicon. In: S. Nooteboom, F. Weerman, F. Wijnen (eds.). Storage and Computation in the Language Faculty. Kluwer.
  • Suleiman, S. (1985). Jordanian Arabic Between Diglossia and Bilingualism. Amsterdam, John Benjamin Publishing Company.
  • Wright, W. (1995). A Grammar of the Arabic Language. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
  • Zwicky, A. (1986). The General Case: Basic Form Versus Default Form. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society 12, 305–314.
Document Type
Publication order reference
Identifiers
YADDA identifier
bwmeta1.element.desklight-8b6a1dff-5b5c-4be4-9807-cd1a62d39b30
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.