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Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2022
|
vol. 54
|
issue 1
263-280
EN
The text reviews Andrzej Zaćmiński’s latest book devoted to the elections to the Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic of the first term held on 26 October 1952 and the election campaign that preceded them. The review’s author generally has a high opinion of the monograph. However, he puts forward some polemical remarks concerning assessing the credibility of the official voting results, the description of the role played by the communist-controlled National Front and the assessment of the involvement of various persons and entities in the election campaign.
PL
Recenzja dotyczy najnowszej książki Andrzeja Zaćmińskiego poświęconej wyborom do Sejmu PRL I kadencji z 26 X 1952 r. i poprzedzającej je kampanii wyborczej. Tekst przedstawia ogólnie wysoką ocenę monografii, choć zawiera również uwagi polemiczne w kwestii oceny wiarygodności oficjalnych wyników głosowania, opisu roli odgrywanej przez kontrolowany przez komunistów Front Narodowy i oceny zaangażowania różnych osób i podmiotów w kampanię wyborczą.
2
100%
EN
The year 2010 in Poland saw the elections to the local self-government authorities. The voters were deciding on their representatives on the voivodship level for the fourth time ever since the 1998 reform was introduced. This article concerns the elections to the West Pomeranian Regional Assembly. It has been divided into six parts describing basic rules of the electoral system, the candidates, their programs and the campaigns of the four major political forces in the country – Civic Platform, Law and Justice, Democratic Left Alliance and Polish Peasants’ Party. Besides, the results at the ballot box are discussed later in the essay. The 2010 elections to the West Pomeranian Regional Assembly have not brought in any significant political changes. The power was upheld by the Civic Platform – Polish Peasants’ Party coalition, although the former have enjoyed a greater social trust gaining enough votes to rule on their own. Such an outcome has only proven the north-west of Poland to be one of the Civic Platform’ s bulwarks.
PL
W 2010 r. roku odbyły się w Polsce czwarte po reformie z 1998 r. wybory samorządowe. Rywalizacja o miejsca w sejmikach wojewódzkich pozostaje zdominowana przez ogólnopolskie partie polityczne, posiadające swoją reprezentację parlamentarną. Głównymi konkurentami w walce o fotele radnych województwa zachodniopomorskiego, byli Platforma Obywatelska RP, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej oraz Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe. Poszczególne komitety prowadziły zróżnicowaną kampanię, zarówno pod względem nasilenia działań marketingowych, jak również profesjonalizacji stosowanych metod.
EN
The Fighting Solidarity was one of the main organizations of the democratic opposition in Poland in the 80s of the 20th century. In comparison with the other opposition groups its distinguishing feature was the radical anti-communism, which was expressed in the postulate of overthrowing the rules of the Polish United Workers’ Party and the communist regime. The paper analyses that elements of the political thought of the Fighting Solidarity, which applied to its assessments about the communism in theory and practice of its functioning in the last decade of the existence of the so-called socialist countries bloc.
PL
Solidarność Walcząca (SW) była jedną z głównych organizacji opozycji demokratycznej w Polsce lat 80. XX w. Na tle innych ugrupowań opozycyjnych wyróżniała się radykalnym antykomunizmem, objawiającym się m.in. postulatem odsunięcia Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej od władzy i obalenia reżimu komunistycznego. W tekście poddano analizie te elementy myśli politycznej SW, które odnosiły się do oceny komunizmu w teorii i praktyce jego funkcjonowania w ostatniej dekadzie istnienia tzw. bloku państw socjalistycznych.
EN
Artykuł prezentuje przegląd opinii, które zawierają listy przesłane władzom PRL podczas tzw. konsultacji społecznych projektu nowej ordynacji wyborczej do Sejmu w 1985 r. Większość nadawców pisała krytycznie nie tylko o samym projekcie, ale także o systemie wyborczym PRL w ogóle. Zestawiając te opinie ze znanymi z innych publikacji listami z okresu budowy w Polsce systemu komunistycznego, autor stawia tezę, iż przez kolejne dziesięciolecia trwania rządów PPR/PZPR Polacy nawet jeśli brali udział w powszechnych głosowaniach, zdawali sobie sprawę z ich fasadowego charakteru. The article presents a survey of opinions expressed in the letters sent to the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic during the so-called social consultations of the draft of a new electoral law to the Sejm in 1985. A majority of people wrote critically not only about the project itself but also about the whole electoral system of the Polish People’s Republic. After a comparison of these opinions with other letters known from the period of building of a communist system in Poland, the author puts forward a thesis that in the successive decades of the rule of the Polish Workers’ Party/Polish United Workers’ Party, even if they had voted in universal elections, the Polish people were aware of their window-dressing nature.
EN
Father dr Władysław Siwek (Society of Jesus) belongs to priests who signed up very clearly in the history of Szczecin and in the memory of its citizens. He worked in the city in the years 1950–1970 (with a break in the years 1955 to 1956, when the monks of the Society of Jesus were expelled by the communist authorities). For 1955, took care of the academic ministry after his return in 1957 he returned to the old duties, and additionally was appointed diocesan chaplain for health professionals. With a thorough education and personal charisma Father Siwek was able to create a strong foundation for independent ideological beliefs of people under his charge. His lasting achieve ment was forming around him a group of people with a clear anticommunist opinion, who in subsequent years were a kind of Catholic elite in Szczecin. These people built the foundations of an “independent society”, contributing to the democratic opposition of the seventies, the eighties and joined the great social movement that led to the downfall of communism in Poland, which was the “Solidarity”. Father Siwek was in 1970 moved to Bydgoszcz religious instruction, and then to Warsaw, where he died on July 16, 1973.
EN
Michał Plater-Zyberk was born in 1937 in Vilnius in a family of patriotic and independent traditions. He was soon orphaned as a teenage boy and was also the subject of first repression – in 1954 he was prevented from starting his studies due to his origin and lack of affiliation with the Communist Youth Union of Poland. Only in the so-called. Thaw in 1956 was admitted to study at the Szczecin University of Technology. After graduation, he started working in state railroads, with whom he remained involved throughout his professional career. Since the sixties he has co-created an independent environment of secular Catholic intelligentsia, St. Andrzej Bobola at ul. Post Office in Szczecin. At the same time he was active in the Polish Tourist-Touring Society. In the seventies, he co-organized family church counseling and supported various independent initiatives. By signing petitions and making your private apartment available to opposition parties. For social activities and relationships with the Church he was faced with further repressions: in 1967 he was suspended in the rights of the tourist guide, and in 1978 degraded from the occupied position. In 1980 he was a co-founder of the Szczecin Catholic Club and co-organizer of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarity in the Pomeranian Regional Railways Board. He became the chairman of the union cell at his workplace and entered the regional authorities of Solidarity. He died suddenly during a holiday trip to Zakopane in February 1981. In 1986 his name was accepted by the Szczecin Catholic Club in recognition of his co-founder.
EN
The text provides an analysis of the activities of the Voivodeship Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party in Szczecin in the context of the so-called Post-Stalin “Thaw” and the year 1956 in Poland. It was a period in the history of the Polish People’s Republic which featured at times significant paradigm shifts which, although they did not undermine the foundations of the Polish United Workers’ Party’s dictatorship, changed the socio-political reality of the regime permanently and noticeably for every citizen. On the national scale, the impulses for change stemmed from the very centre of power in Warsaw. The decision-makers in Warsaw acted under the influence of the events taking place in the Soviet Union and, from a certain moment, under the pressure from the Polish society. The outline demonstrates the way the processes associated with the “Thaw” were conducted in the local centre of power in the West Pomerania. Analysing the local reception of the key political events in Poland in 1953–1956, it considers the local peculiarity of these processes.
PL
Tytułowy okres postalinowskiej „odwilży” i polskiego roku 1956 był w historii PRL czasem istotnych przewartościowań, które, choć nie naruszyły podstaw dyktatury PZPR, trwale i w sposób odczuwalny dla każdego obywatela zmieniły realia społeczno-polityczne nadwiślańskiego reżimu. W skali ogólnopolskiej impulsy do zmian wychodziły z samego centrum władzy w Warszawie. Warszawscy decydenci działali z kolei pod wpływem wydarzeń w Związku Radzieckim i, dopiero od pewnego momentu, pod presją polskiego społeczeństwa. Szkic przedstawia, jak procesy związane z „odwilżą” przebiegały w lokalnym centrum władzy na Pomorzu Zachodnim. Analizując lokalną recepcję kluczowych wydarzeń politycznych w Polsce latach 1953–1956, uwzględnia miejscową specyfikę rzeczonych procesów.
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