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1
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Polityka śródziemnomorska Unii Europejskiej wobec zjawiska arabskiej wiosny

100%
Adamczyk A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2012
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issue 3
29-50
EN
The article is dedicated to the Mediterranean policy of the European Union in view of the phenomenon of the ‘Arab Spring’ and is divided in two parts. The first part characterises the process of development of the EU’s Mediterranean policy, starting with the 1970s, when the EEC’s Global Mediterranean Policy was initiated, followed by a description of the establishment of the Renewed Mediterranean Policy in the early 1990s and a detailed analysis of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership initiated in 1995 in Barcelona, which set the key objectives of cooperation in this region between the European Union and the countries of Northern Africa and the Middle East for many years to come. The author has paid particular attention to the latest initiatives of the European Union regarding the countries of the Mediterranean Region, that is the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Union for the Mediterranean of 2008. The second part contains a critical analysis of the EU’s Mediterranean policy in the context of the emergence of the Arab Spring process. The main objective pur-sued by EU politicians was economic expansion of the European countries aimed at obtaining selling markets for industrial goods in Northern Africa while blocking imports of agricultural products from the Arab countries. Another important goal was to thwart the illegal immigration to Europe from this region. It is due to these two objectives that the European Union tolerated the authoritarian regimes in the Arab states. However, it turned out that there is no consent for the existence of these regimes in the societies of the countries of the Mediterranean south, which culminated in the Arab Spring. As a result of this, the EU’s Mediterranean policy was compromised and proved an ignominious fiasco. The EU still has no vision for and has not developed any new coherent policy towards this region, which proves the helplessness of European politicians and the gradual degradation/erosion of the role of the EU as a global superpower.
2
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Prezydencja cypryjska w kontekście stosunków między Unią Europejską a Turcją

100%
Adamczyk A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2013
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issue 2
s.33-54
EN
The main aim of this article is to show how the Cyprus dispute affected the preparations and achievements of the Republic of Cyprus’s Presidency of the Council of the EU, and to present its implications with respect to the relations between Turkey and the European Union. The author discusses the essence of the Cyprus dispute, namely the occupation of the northern part of the island by Turkish armed forces. Further, he describes the influence of Cyprus’s integration with the EU on the EU–Turkey relations in the pre-Presidency period. The main part of the article focuses on the Cypriot Presidency, during which Cyprus did not entangle the other Member States in the problems of the divided island, but acted in the best interest of the entire EU. The reaction of the Turkish government, which boycotted the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus, is also characterised.
3

CYPRIOT PRESIDENCY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CYPRUS QUESTION AND EU–TURKEY RELATIONS

100%
Adamczyk A.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
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2012
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vol. 15
107-124
EN
The main aim of this article is to show how the Cyprus dispute affected the preparations and achievements of the Republic of Cyprus’s Presidency of the Council of the EU, and to present its implications with respect to relations between Turkey and the European Union. The author discusses the essence of the Cyprus dispute, namely the occupation of the northern part of the island by Turkish armed forces. Further, he describes the influence of Cyprus’s integration with the EU on the EU-Turkey rela¬tions in the pre-Presidency period. The main part of the article focuses on the Cypriot Presidency, during which Cyprus did not entangle the other Member States in the problems of the divided island, but acted in the best interest of the entire EU. The reaction of the Turkish government, which boycotted the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus, is also characterized.
4
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Trudne sąsiedztwo – wpływ relacji Turcji z sąsiadami na proces akcesji do Unii Europejskiej

100%
Adamczyk A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2013
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issue 4
s.72-100
EN
In the first decade of the twenty-first century, Turkey strengthened its international position in the region, implementing a policy of ‘zero problems with neighbours’. Strengthening the country’s position in international rela-tions meant that Turkish politicians have fallen into self-admiration, classifying their state as a kind of regional power and hoping that they can impose a vision of building a new political structure in the region. Prime Minister Erdoğan, however, broke the principle of ‘zero problems’ and his international activities have embroiled Turkey in many international problems, as a result of which the country has fallen into isolation. The government in Ankara is in conflict or has bad relations with: Egypt, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Armenia, and Cyprus. This article presents the most important international problems of Turkey with its selected neighbours – Greece, Cyprus and Armenia.
5
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Wpływ zarządzania łańcuchem wartości na kształtowanie grup strategicznych w sektorze polskich banków spółdzielczych

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Adamczyk A.
Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu
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2023
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vol. 67
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issue 2
1-19
EN
The aim of this article is to apply factor analysis to research on the cooperative banking sector in the field of strategic group analysis and the theory of value chain developed by Porter. Data from 325 cooperative banks operating in Poland between 2008 and 2020 were used for quantitative research. They are used to illustrate the changes taking place in cooperative banks against the background of the macroeconomic situation and to illustrate the scope of economic activity conducted by individual entities. The use of factor analysis allowed to distinguish 11 factors, the interpretation of which brings more synthetic knowledge about the strategy implemented by individual banks. Four discovered variables determining the bank’s product policy, which were used to distinguish strategic groups in the cooperative banking sector, are of particular importance. They also make it possible to build assessments of the effectiveness of the adopted market strategies and effectiveness strategies for individual strategic groups.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zastosowanie analizy czynnikowej do badania sektora banków spółdzielczych przy wykorzystaniu teorii dotyczących grup strategicznych oraz teorii łańcucha wartości sformułowanej przez Portera. Do badań ilościowych wykorzystane zostały dane 325 banków spółdzielczych działających na terenie Polski za okres 2008-2020. Przy ich użyciu zobrazowano zmiany zachodzące w bankach spółdzielczych na tle sytuacji makroekonomicznej, a także zilustrowano rozpiętość działań biznesowych prowadzonych przez poszczególne podmioty. Zastosowanie analizy czynnikowej pozwoliło wyodrębnić 11 faktorów, których interpretacja przynosi bardziej syntetyczną wiedzę o realizowanej strategii przez poszczególne banki. Szczególne znaczenie mają cztery odkryte zmienne określające politykę produktową banku, które zostały wykorzystane do wyodrębnienia grup strategicznych w sektorze banków spółdzielczych. Uzyskane wyniki umożliwiają pogłębioną analizę modeli biznesowych banków spółdzielczych. Pozwalają również na budowanie ocen skuteczności realizowanej strategii rynkowej i efektywnościowej dla poszczególnych grup strategicznych. Słowa kluczowe: łańcuch wartości, bank spółdzielczy, grupy strategiczne, analiza czynnikowa.
6

Konflikt na Morzu Egejskim – otwarta puszka Pandory w stosunkach grecko-tureckich

100%
Adamczyk A.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2018
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vol. 10(46)
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issue 3
45-61
PL
Konflikt egejski jest wieloaspektowym problemem występującym w stosunkach grecko-tureckich. Do głównych komponentów sporu zaliczamy kwestię delimitacji szelfu kontynentalnego, morza terytorialnego, przestrzeni powietrznej, remilitaryzację wysp greckich oraz kwestionowanie „greckości” wysp Morza Egejskiego. Brak rozwiązania tego sporu powoduje występowanie licznych napięć i kryzysów pomiędzy oboma państwami, które mogą doprowadzić do wybuchu otwartej wojny. Do tej pory, dzięki inicjatywie NATO, a głównie Stanów Zjednoczonych, udawało się zażegnywać niebezpieczeństwo wybuchu militarnego konfliktu. Jednak zmiana w polityce zagranicznej Turcji w erze Erdoğana, polegająca m.in. na kwestionowaniu Traktatu z Lozanny, przyczynia się do coraz większej destabilizacji w regionie. Napięcia pojawiające się w basenie Morza Egejskiego mogą przenieść się na „kruche” Bałkany i tym samym zagrozić bezpieczeństwu europejskiemu.
EN
The Aegean conflict is a multifaceted problem in Greek-Turkish relations. The main components of the dispute include the issue of delimitation of the continental shelf, territorial sea, air space; the remilitarization of the Greek islands and questioning the Greekness of the Aegean islands. The lack of resolution of this dispute has resulted in numerous tensions and crises between both countries, which could lead to the outbreak of an open war. Thanks to the initiative of NATO, and mainly the US, it has managed to prevent the danger of a military conflict. However, the change in Turkish foreign policy in the Erdoğan era, involving the questioning of the Treaty of Lausanne, contributes to the escalation of regional destabilization. Tensions occurring in the Aegean Sea can be transferred to the “fragile” Balkans and thus threaten European security.
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