Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 8

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
PL
Abstract: Sound institutions and macroeconomic stability: the political economy of the Swedish 2008-2009 recession. Global recession that started in 2007 brought economic downturn experienced by almost all highly developed countries. Its consequences consisted not only of the slump in terms of national income and further GDP stagnation, but also of instability of public finance in many countries. This paper analyses the case of Sweden, which performed relatively well through the crisis and managed to keep public finances stable. As it seems, it was not a coincidence, but a lesson learned from the previous crisis which closely resembles the recession of 2008. By showing this relation we wish to demonstrate how strong the ties between the sphere of economy and politics are, which is unfortunately often disregarded by mainstream economics. In fact, political economy copes with this task much better.  Key words: political economy, institutions, economic crises, political and economic order, macroeconomic stability.
EN
The global crisis of the late 2000s brought Sweden a deep, but short-lived recession. One ought to recognize, however, the actions taken by the authorities to fight the contraction. The government, thanks to healthy public finances, was able to inject a fiscal stimulus to the economy, which was aligned with long-term assumptions of economic development of the country. The central bank, on the other hand, basing on the experiences of the crisis of the early 1990s, followed a policy of liquidity support, full transparency, free floating of currency and bringing back trust into the system. Owing to the above actions the recession ended quickly and left no longstanding mark on the Swedish economy.
EN
The intention of this paper is to trace links between welfare economics and the concept of welfare state. We show that welfare of man, according to Vilfredo Pareto and Arthur Cecil Pigou, was a much wider notion than just economic one. It seems that, however, economists had chosen to follow the Pareto optimum principle in their research. It was also not welfare economics that triggered the construction of welfare states, but ideas and political motives. Yet nowadays the pursuit of efficacy and innovations changes the way that welfare policies are perceived. The approach becomes more instrumental instead of humane. It follows the Pareto improvement principle leaving distributional aspects to inconsequential considerations. It stands thus with clear relation to the concepts of welfare economics, but gradually detaches from the idea of human welfare.
PL
Niniejsze opracowanie przedstawia dorobek socjologii ekonomicznej z zakresu badań nad zjawiskami cen i wartości oraz przeciwstawia go uproszczonemu podejściu przyjętemu przez ekonomię neoklasyczną. Ta ostatnia postrzega wartość przez pryzmat ceny oraz zakłada istnienie stałych preferencji zatomizowanych jednostek funkcjonujących na izolowanych rynkach. Socjologia zakłada natomiast, że ani cena, ani pieniądzb nie są rzeczywistymi miernikami wartości oraz próbuje zrozumieć formowanie się cen nie jako wyniku indywidualnych preferencji, ale jako rezultatu społecznych i politycznych czynników warunkujących funkcjonowanie rynku.
EN
This paper reviews the research of economic sociology on the phenomena of prices and valuation and contrasts it with the simplified approach of neoclassical economy. The latter perceives value through the prism of prices and assumes fixed preferences of atomized actors acting on isolated markets. Sociology posits instead that neither money nor prices are the true measuring rod of worth and tries to understand how prices are set not as an outcome of individual preferences, but as a result of social and political factors determining the functioning of markets.
EN
The paper aims to highlight the microeconomic aspects of the Swedish model. Although one may easily find many characteristic examples of behavior or structures on micro level, we claim that there were three crucial cases. First, it was the widespread expectation for paternalistic behavior of the government that originated long before the model was implemented. Second, the emergence and successes of particular interest groups (especially the trade unions). And third, the system relied heavily on large enterprises which were expected to achieve high growth and to be the middleman for executing egalitarian policies. It is hard to expect that the Swedish model would be such a success if it weren't for these microeconomic features.
EN
Welfare states are today being made responsible for the poor prosperity of Western economies. High taxes, negative incentives for entrepreneurship or rigidity of labor market regulations create meager conditions for innovations and competitiveness and thus imply low growth rates. The rolling back of welfare state programs is therefore supposed to bring back good performance of the economies in mind. In reality evidence for such scenario is insufficient and welfare states are too embedded into modern econ¬omies to be removed with no consequences - both social and economic ones.
EN
In this paper we claim that the Swedish model should be perceived by a dynamic relation between its two pillars, namely economic and welfare policies. It is this relation that explains its creation, evolution, and recent transformation. Also, the Swedish model was not only an economic or social project, but it concerned a society as a whole. This is why it were not the policies themselves that defined what the model was, yet rather their relationship toward the supreme goal of creating classless society of welfare. Political and economic toolbox changed in the 90s, but adherence to egalitarian and welfare values has not entirely vanished Thus we believe that we should rather speak of a continuation of the Swedish welfare state model in changing external conditions and a change of policy measures than of a radical shift in policy aims and values.
EN
Research background: Recent developments have raised doubts on future sustainability of the EU as successful political and economic organization. Many phenomena - from euro and sovereign debt crisis to the emergence of right-wing, populist and anti-liberal movements - have brought into question the actual foundations of European integration, be it economic cooperation or a community of values. This problem became even more topical after the Brexit referendum. For this very reason a new strand of research on European disintegration has lately began to appear. It was supposed to fill in a serious gap in the body of literature, which had so far optimistically focused on integration processes. Purpose of the article: The aim of our work is to reflect on Brexit - which is an exemplification of disintegration tendencies - through the lenses of theories of European integration in order to find out how well the two match each other. We also try to identify the dynamics Brexit may provoke in theoretical research and in the future of European integration. Methods: We take three most influential theories of integration, i.e. neofunctionalism, intergovernmentalism and post-functionalism, and attempt to analyze Brexit by means of their main assumptions and internal logic. Findings & Value added: We believe that only post-functionalism is able to satisfactorily explain Brexit by turning to mass politics and questions of identity instead of economic rationality. We also suggest that analysis of such issues will become more important in future research on European integration.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.