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RU
Территория этнического украинско-белорусского пограничья, проходящая через полесское воеводство, была специфической как с точки зрения Коммунистической пар­тии Западной Белоруссии, так и Коммунистической партии Западной Украины. Воснов­ном, ответственность за поддержание коммунистической деятельности возлагалась здесь на КПЗБ. И, с формальной точки зрения, ее статус в этом отношении не изменился до конца организованного функционирования этого вида подрывного движения во II РП(1938 г.). Тем не менее, представленный спектр разных взаимодействий, вкоторые вступали белорусская и украинская партии, позволяет сделать вывод о большей жизне­способности этой второй. Состоялось так, хотя данная территория с точки зрения КПЗУ была несомненно периферийной территорией. Относительно позднее начало деятель­ности на ее части, как это было в случае коширского повета, а также отсутствие выше­стоящего решения о перемещении на север сферы влияния КПЗБ не изменили того, что украинское влияние в силу украинской агитации постепенно увеличивалось. Вконце 30-тых годов можно уже говорить о фактическом вытеснении оттуда белорусского влияния, что проявлялось в создании ячеек КПЗУ даже в кобринском повете. В другом варианте поддержание хотя бы относительно эффективной акции КПЗБ становилось в30-тые годы в некоторой степени зависимым от «украинизации» языка пропаганды. Перевел Ежи Россеник
EN
The ethnic Ukrainian-Belarusian border region in the Province of Polesia was a special area from the point of view of both the Communist Party of Western Belarus (CPWB) and the Communist Party of Western Ukraine (CPWU). Generally, the responsibility for maintaining com­munist activity in the region lay with the CPWB. Its status did not change formally until the end of organised operations of this variety of the seditious movement in the Second Polish Republic (1938). However, the various interactions between the Belarusian party and Ukrainian party pre­sented here suggest that the latter was more active. This happened despite the fact that the region in question was a decidedly peripheral area from the point of view of the CPWU. Both the relatively late initiation of its operations in part of the region, as it was the case with the Kashyrskyi District, as well as a lack of the leadership’s decision to shift the range of the CPWB’s operations north did not change the fact that the Ukrainian influence in the form of Ukrainian canvassing were on the rise. In the late 1930s we can speak, in fact, of the ousting of the Belarusian side, which was manifested in the founding of the CPWU’s cells even in the Kobryn District. In another variant the maintenance of at least relative effectiveness of the CPWB’s campaign became in the 1930s dependent to some extent on the “Ukrainisation” of the language of propaganda. Translated by Anna Kijak
EN
The national question was one of the most complicated problems concerning the internal situation in the Second Polish Republic. This also applied to conflicts within the various political camps. For the period between 1926 and 1939 the most important controversies seem to be those that emerged in the ruling camp. They are evidenced by a document issued on 8 September 1934 by Wacław Kostek-Biernacki, Governor of the Polesia Province. At that time Kostek-Biernacki was regarded as one of the most important figures implementing the ethnic policy in practice. The document in question reflects his views in great detail, particularly taking into account the Ukrainian question. It is a manifesto calling for Polonisation, which he had been implementing in Polesia since 1932. In Kostek-Biernacki’s analysis the most important point of reference was the so-called Volhynia experiment, named after the governor Volhynia, Henryk Józewski. What is also interesting is his criticism with regard to some traditional elements of his own political milieu. For the governor of Polesia, projects that could be termed “federationist” were a threat to the Polish state.
XX
This article is an attempt to present the problem of repercussions of the assumption made in the Second Polish Republic that in Polesia there was a compact several hundred thousand group of people that do not have a modern national consciousness. In the interwar period this group was commonly referred to as ‘tutejsi.’ The issue is examined from three perspectives. The first is to reconstruct the position taken in this case by the Polish science, especially the authors gathered around the Institute for Nationalities Affairs (Instytut Badań Spraw Narodowościowych). The second part of the article presents opinions functioning about so-called ‘tutejsi’ in the Polish public opinion. The difference between points of view arising in the 1920s and ’30s is exposed here. The third part focuses on the actions taken by the Polish authorities. In the first half of the ’20s an assumption was formulated that in Polesia this group was dominant, therefore actions must be taken for its Polonization. After the military coup in 1926, the existence of ‘tutejsi’ was to a large extent disputed. The authorities stated that Polesia was populated mainly by Belarusians and Ukrainians. The reversal of this policy dates back to the early 1930s. The theory of the existence of ‘tutejsi’ – and at the same time their domination in Polesia – returned. It was believed they should be not only subject to Polonization, but also that they are particularly susceptible to it.
EN
So-called ‘tutejsi’ in Polesia as a political issue in Poland, 1921–1939This article is an attempt to present the problem of repercussions of the assumption made in the Second Polish Republic that in Polesia there was a compact several hundred thousand group of people that do not have a modern national consciousness. In the interwar period this group was commonly referred to as ‘tutejsi.’ The issue is examined from three perspectives. The first is to reconstruct the position taken in this case by the Polish science, especially the authors gathered around the Institute for Nationalities Affairs (Instytut Badań Spraw Narodowościowych). The second part of the article presents opinions functioning about so-called ‘tutejsi’ in the Polish public opinion. The difference between points of view arising in the 1920s and ’30s is exposed here. The third part focuses on the actions taken by the Polish authorities. In the first half of the ’20s an assumption was formulated that in Polesia this group was dominant, therefore actions must be taken for its Polonization. After the military coup in 1926, the existence of ‘tutejsi’ was to a large extent disputed. The authorities stated that Polesia was populated mainly by Belarusians and Ukrainians. The reversal of this policy dates back to the early 1930s. The theory of the existence of ‘tutejsi’ – and at the same time their domination in Polesia – returned. It was believed they should be not only subject to Polonization, but also that they are particularly susceptible to it.
EN
The village in Polesie: Transformations of the 1930s in the view of Józef ObrębskiThe article deals with political and social themes of Józef Obrębski's texts, which were written in the second half of the 1930s and were devoted to Polesie. Obrębski made his ethnosociological research in 1934-1937. It was the last phase of the great depression. Obrębski noted changes in political consciousness of inhabitants of the Polesie village. He described the consequences of the implementation of Polish-language education. He perceived the role and nature of communist influence. He wrote very critically about the attitude and role of local administration representatives. He did not limit himself to listing these problems. Instead, he tried to formulate proposals for activities that would have changed the attitude of inhabitants of Polesie voievodship towards the Polish State. Wieś poleska doby przemian lat trzydziestych XX wieku w ujęciu Józefa ObrębskiegoArtykuł jest poświęcony polityczno-społecznym wątkom tekstów Józefa Obrębskiego, które powstały w drugiej połowie lat trzydziestych i odnoszą się do Polesia. Obrębski prowadził swoje badania etnosocjologiczne w latach 1934-1937. Była to ostatnia faza wielkiego kryzysu. Odnotował przemiany świadomości politycznej mieszkańców poleskiej wsi. Opisywał konsekwencje implementacji polskojęzycznej oświaty. Dostrzegał rolę i charakter wpływów komunistycznych. Bardzo krytycznie wypowiadał się o postawie i roli przedstawicieli lokalnej administracji. Nie ograniczał się do rejestracji tych zjawisk. Próbował formułować propozycje działań, które zmieniłyby stosunek ludności Polesia do państwa polskiego.
PL
Piotr Cichoracki dokonał recenzji publikacji: Adam Adrian Ostanek, Wydarzenia 1930 roku w Małopolsce Wschodniej a bezpieczeństwo II Rzeczypospolitej, Warszawa 2017, ss. 198.
PL
Piotr Cichoracki dokonał recenzji publikacji: М.М. Смольянинов, Морально-боевое состояние россиийских войск Западного Фронта в 1917 году, Минск 2017, s. 171.
PL
Tekst poświęcony jest represjom komunistycznym, jakie spotkały pięciu urzędników administracji państwowej okresu II Rzeczypospolitej, pełniących przed 1939 r. funkcję wojewodów. Byli to: Stanisław Jarecki – wicewojewoda i p.o. wojewody kieleckiego i wojewoda stanisławowski, Henryk Józewski – wojewoda wołyński i łódzki, Wacław Kostek- Biernacki – wojewoda nowogródzki i poleski, Kazimierz Świtalski – wojewoda krakowski oraz Stanisław Twardo – wojewoda warszawski. Artykuł pokazuje, jak komunistyczny aparat represji postrzegał ich działalność w okresie międzywojennym. Zasygnalizowano mechanizmy prowadzenia śledztw i konstruowania aktów oskarżenia, omówiono także przebieg procesów, zachowanie byłych urzędników w warunkach pozbawienia wolności oraz stosunek władz komunistycznych do prób ich uwolnienia. Opracowanie oparto przede wszystkim na dokumentacji archiwalnej wytworzonej przez komunistyczne Ministerstwo Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i struktury aparatu sprawiedliwości.
EN
The institution of the Chief Civil Commissioner by the Commander in Chief was appointed on 1 September 1939. Its aim was to provide proper functioning of the direct background of the front. This attitude was taken by the voivode of the Polesie Region, Wacław Kostek-Biernacki. Although the works concerning the actions of a similar unit were initiated at the beginning of the thirties, since the beginning of the war, the unit struggled with problems of organisational, logistic and personnel nature. In this connection, and also because of a very unfavourable course of war for the Polish side, the unit’s activity had an improvisatorial character. One may distinguish three periods of activity. The first was between 1–6 of September in Warsaw. At that time, the main issues to cope with were, above all, the organisational and legal preparations of the Chief Civil Commissioner Office to function efficiently. Signs of its activity consistent with the assumed aims of its existence were not found. Another period is the stay in Brest between 7–11 September. Only then a relatively ordered activity was developed. W. Kostek-Biernacki issued a regulation on the settlement of issues connected with masses of refugees, with fights against diversion and with reconstruction of roads. He won an increase in Polish State Police authority in relation to the army. The necessity to leave Brest by the Commander in Chief ’s staff caused also the departure of the staff of the Chief Civil Commissioner Office. On 16 September, the regulation reached Kolomyia, passing Vladimir-Volynsky, Lutsk and Tarnopol. During the evacuation, after leaving Vladimir-Volynsky, a temporary breach of relations with the Commander in Chief ’s staff occurred. At that time, W. Kostek-Biernacki interfered in the issues connected with the members of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) who were in prisons in the Tarnopol Region. Then, a conflict with the authorities of the Tarnopol Voivodship took place. Prime Minister Składkowski and probably the Commander in Chief were informed about the conflict. On 17 September, he issued an order for Leon Kniaziołucki to fill the post of the chief commissioner. This nomination had no practical meaning because of Soviet aggression. Information about it probably did not reach the personnel of the Chief Civil Commissioner Office. In view of leaving Poland, W. Kostek-Biernacki dissolved the Office and crossed the Polish-Romanian border.
EN
The western part of Polesia (Polish: Polesie) was made part of Poland resulting from the Treaty of Riga, 1921. Characteristic to the area were specific economic and ethnic traits. Civilisational retardation and, in a number of cases, underdeveloped ethnic/national awareness of the locals caused Polish authorities to formulate projects with respect to this region aimed at gradual Polonisation of its populace. The process was regarded as an element of civilisation-instilling mission, as well as a precondition for achievement of the desired goals related to internal and external safety. These projects, and the results of Polonisation process, are analysed herein.
EN
This article examines the historiography of the Communist Party of Western Belarus. This organisation operated in the north-eastern part of the Second Polish Republic. The current state of research on its history is illustrated by several examples from Polish, Soviet, and Belarusian historiography. The author analyses the changes that have taken place in historiography from the 1950s to the present day, including the particular aspects that attracted the attention of historians. The categories of publications (monographs, source publications) are described and research questions posed in the later part of the article.
EN
In the Second Polish Republic, the culmination point of the huge economic crisis called the Great Depression occurred in 1932. The crisis affected particularly inhabitants of villages, including those dominated by national minorities in eastern provinces. One such region was Polesia. The aim of this text is to answer the question of how the situation of economic collapse was addressed by representatives of the state administration system, one of whom was Jan Krahelski – the Head of the Polesia Province in 1926–1932. At the end of his period in office, he often expressed his views on the condition of the province and the desirable means that could have reduced the consequences of the crisis. The text is based on archival materials acquired from archives of Poland, Belarus, and Russia. Krahelski was an advocate of moderate nationality policy. He refrained from the Polonisation of national minorities and tried not to escalate political repressions almost until the end of his period in office as Head of the province. The radicalisation of social moods combined with the deepening economic collapse forced him to revise his opinion about the methods of ensuring internal security. The analysis of the source materials, for which an important point of reference is also an armed rebellion that occurred on the borderland of the Kashirsky County [the Polesia Province] and the Kovel County [the Volhynia Province], suggests that administrative bodies in the eastern provinces could properly diagnose the general condition of the territory entrusted to them, but at the same time, they did not fully recognise its sources; therefore, they may have been surprised with the collapse of the order.
PL
Na 1932 r. przypadło w II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej apogeum tzw. wielkiego kryzysu gospodarczego. Odbił się on zwłaszcza na położeniu mieszkańców wsi, także tej zdominowanej przez mniejszości narodowe w województwach wschodnich. Jednym z takich regionów było Polesie. Tekst poświęcony jest odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak w sytuacji załamania ekonomicznego reagowali przedstawiciele administracji państwowej, której przedstawicielem był również Jan Krahelski – wojewoda poleski w latach 1926–1932. Pod koniec okresu sprawowania urzędu niejednokrotnie artykułował on swoje poglądy na temat stanu województwa i pożądanych środków, które powinny zneutralizować skutki kryzysu. Tekst oparty jest o materiał archiwalny pozyskany z archiwów Polski, Białorusi i Rosji. Krahelski był zwolennikiem umiarkowanej polityki narodowościowej. Odżegnywał się od polonizacji mniejszości narodowych i niemal do końca sprawowania stanowiska wojewody starał się nie eskalować represji politycznych. Radykalizacja nastrojów społecznych związana z pogłębiającym się załamaniem ekonomicznym zmusiła go do rewizji stanowiska w kwestii metod zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego. Analiza materiału źródłowego, dla której ważnym punktem odniesienia jest również wystąpienie zbrojne do jakiego doszło w lecie 1932 r. na pograniczu powiatu koszyrskiego (województwo poleskie) i kowelskiego (województwo wołyńskie), wskazuje, że administracja w województwach wschodnich mogła właściwie diagnozować ogólny stan powierzonego jej terytorium, ale jednocześnie niedoskonale rozpoznać jego źródła, w efekcie czego mogła zostać zaskoczona załamaniem porządku.           
RU
На 1932 г. прыйшоўся ў II Рэчы Паспалітай апагей т.зв. вялікага эканамічнага крызісу. Гэта паўплывала на становішча жыхароў вёсак, у тым ліку ва ўсходніх ваяводствах, дзе пераважалі нацыянальныя меншасці. Адным з такіх рэгіёнаў было Палессе. Артыкул прысвечаны адказу на пытанне, як рэагавалі прадстаўнікі дзяржаўнага кіравання на сітуацыю эканамічнага крызісу, у тым ліку Ян Крагельскі – ваявода Палесся ў 1926–1932 гадах. У апошнія гады выканання паўнамоцтваў ён неаднаразова выказваў свае погляды на стан ваяводства і неабходныя меры, якія павінны нейтралізаваць наступствы крызісу. Тэкст заснаваны на архіўных матэрыялах, знойдзеных у архівах Польшчы, Беларусі і Расіі. Крагельскі быў прыхільнікам умеранай нацыянальнай палітыкі. Ён адмовіўся ад паланізацыі нацыянальных меншасцей і спрабаваў не ўзмацняць палітычныя рэпрэсіі да канца свайго тэрміну на пасадзе ваяводы. Радыкалізацыя настрояў у грамадстве, звязаная з паглыбленнем эканамічнага крызісу, прымусіла яго перагледзець сваю пазіцыю адносна метадаў забеспячэння ўнутранай бяспекі. Важным пунктам для вывучэння зыходнага матэрыялу з'яўляецца ўзброенае паўстанне, якое адбылося летам 1932 г. на мяжы Кошырскага павета [Палескага ваяводства] і Ковельскага павета [Валынскага ваяводства]. Праведзены аналіз  паказвае, што адміністрацыя ўсходніх ваяводстваў магла правільна ацаніць агульны стан падуладнай ёй тэрыторыі, але ў той жа час не магла дакладна распазнаць яго прычыны, у выніку чаго была захоплена знянацку парушэннем парадку.
RU
Текст является критическим обсуждением синтеза истории северо-восточных воеводств II Речи Посполитой, опубликованного в Беларуси под покровительством Национальной академии наук Беларуси. Публикация этой обширной двухтомной работы стала импульсом для рефлексии на тему различий методологии истории, а также реалий польско-белорусского исторического диалога. Были сформированы вопросы относительно научных постулатов в области истории польско-белорусских отношений в I половине XX века. Перевел Ежи Россеник
EN
The article is a critical analysis of the history of the north-eastern provinces of the Second Polish Republic published in Belarus under the patronage of the Belarusian National Academy of Sciences. The publication of this extensive, two-volume work has prompted reflections on the differences in historical methods as well as the reality of the Polish-Belarusian historical dialogue. The authors of the article have formulated questions concerning proposals in research into the history of Polish-Belarusian relations in the first half of the 20th century. Translated by Anna Kijak
EN
The source presented here consists of the correspondence between the general administration and military authorities concerning the organization of the Assistance Group, set up at the end of June 1933 in connection with the escalation of the unrest caused by the political and social situation in the western parts of Lviv voivodeship. The group was of mixed character and consisted of infantry, cavalry, artillery, and motor army units. We should stress that air force was also used by the authorities to quell the unrest. The documents contain a description of the actions taken by the army as well as the information coming from the pilots serving over the area where the incidents spread. The case discussed here was the third when in 1932–1933 in the assistance service a several hundred people group of various kinds of units was used to calm grave disturbances of the public order.
RU
Материалом для статьи послужила корреспонденция власти с военным командованием, касающаяся организации Ассистирующей Группы, созданной в конце июня 1933 г. в связи с эскалацией беспорядков, какие имели место быть на фоне общественно-политической ситуации в западных повятах Львовского воеводства. Эта группа имела смешанный характер и состояла из отрядов пехоты, кавалерии, артиллерии и автомобильных войск. Следует отметить, что для устранения беспорядков властями была использована в том числе и авиация. Документы содержат описание предпринятых властями действий и данные, взятые от работников авиации, которые проходили службу на территории, охваченной этими действиями. Исследуемый случай был уже третьим по счету, поскольку в 1932–1933 г. в рамках совместных действий военных и властей для ликвидации серьезных нарушений общественного порядка были использованы различным образом вооруженные группы, насчитывающие несколько сотен человек.
PL
Na prezentowane źródło składa się korespondencja władz administracji ogólnej z władzami wojskowymi dotycząca organizacji Grupy Asystencyjnej powołanej do życia pod koniec czerwca 1933 r. w związku z eskalacją niepokojów, do jakich doszło na tle sytuacji społeczno-politycznej w zachodnich powiatach województwa lwowskiego. Grupa ta miała charakter kombinowany i składała się z oddziałów piechoty, kawalerii, artylerii, wojsk samochodowych. Zaznaczyć należy, że do uśmierzenia niepokojów użyte zostało przez władze również lotnictwo. Dokumenty zawierają opis podjętych przez wojsko działań, jak również informacje pochodzące od lotników odbywających służbę nad obszarem ogarniętym zajściami. Omawiany przypadek był trzecim, gdy w latach 1932–1933 w służbie asystencyjnej dla likwidacji poważnych zaburzeń porządku publicznego użyto kilkusetosobowego zgrupowania złożonego z różnych rodzajów broni.
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