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Przewrót majowy jako etap w narastaniu w polskim życiu politycznym tendencji skrajnych

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Kawalec K.

Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi

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2011

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vol. 33

209-226

EN

In contrast to the reality of totalitarian dictatorships, Piłsudski and his collaborators did not outlaw their political opposition. Nevertheless, the latter lost the possibility of returning to political power through elections; besides, the ruling regime which was based mainly on the military and bureaucratic forces attempted to make life difficult for political parties it considered adversarial by applying various tools of harassment, the oppressiveness of which was gradually increasing. Not all the nuances of the changed circumstances were instantly visible. The election of 1928, and later of 1930, demonstrated the efficiency of administrative pressures (and sometimes of ordinary falsifying of the results); in 1930 it turned out that the authorities did not hesitate to direct progressively harsher administrative repressions against energetic opposition activists. Plagued by organizational splits which were initiated either by the people of pro-government orientation or by the followers of political extremism, feeling the consequences of the withdrawal of people dependent upon the state (public school teachers, offi cials, etc.) from political activity, the opposition parties closed their ranks and tightened their organizational structures. In the impoverished country with underdeveloped labor market the youth understandably constituted a growing group of dissatisfied citizens. Unable to perceive any prospects for themselves, they naturally turned to the opposition for which the youth’s energy and radicalism provided obvious opportunities. The youth participation made its impression upon the activities of all political movements. Generally speaking, young people were very much skeptical about parliamentarianism, seeing the Sejm as a basically powerless institution constantly dismissed by the government camp’s propaganda. They also did not possess personal experiences which might have helped them develop different sensibilities. On the inside of the respective parties, the youth’s position was quickly gaining more strength; the parliamentary activists who dominated before 1926 were often incapable of adapting to the altered rules of political game. Their dependence on the parliamentary rostrum which was constantly losing significance led to their marginalization, especially after 1935 when the altered Electoral Bill deprived the opposition parties of the possibility to participate in the elections. This occurrence deepened the scale of processes happening inside the parties, accelerated the personal changes in their leadership and forced them to modify their tactics. The characteristic occurrence, observable in the activity of all political circles, was a growing ideologization of their practices and programs. It was partly a consequence of relegating the parties to the opposition role and of depriving them of contact with practical politics, partly a result of the need to provide people with powerful motivation to participate in politics under difficult conditions when engagement in political life on the side of particular parties might have caused them grave complications in everyday life. The costs of the above-mentioned changes which were somewhat justified by the political situation in which political groups threatened by the post-May regime had found themselves were nevertheless significant. Severe internal antagonisms — which constituted one of the biggest dangers to the Polish model of democracy before 1926 — increased even more due to the adoption of aggressive methods of operation, to struggles to attain more influence and to the growing ideologization. If we treat “sanacja” proclaimed after 1926 in medical categories as an antidote aimed to eliminate many frailties and defects present in Polish political life, the applied cure proved counterproductive. Not only did it not cure, but it caused even more harm. However, it needs to be pointed out that its detrimental effects were limited: the prominent political groups retained their capability to participate in the democratic order which was confirmed by their future behavior, under incomparably more difficult conditions.

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Incydent. Komitet Narodowy Polski wobec perspektywy usunięcia z Armii Polskiej we Francji ochotników wywodzących się spośród jeńców z armii niemieckiej (lipiec 1918 r.).

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Kawalec K.

Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy

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2018

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vol. XIX (LXX)

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issue 1-2 (263-264)

110-129

EN

In the second half of June 1918, right after introducing the 1st Polish Rifle Regiment into battlefield, several desertions to the enemy’s side occured. The command of the regiment’s attempt at clarifying the situation caused that the meaningless incident transformed into a serious conflict, dangerous for the cohesion of the Polish army created in France since August 1917 and also having wider political implications. This event alarmed the Polish National Committee – the institution established in August 1917, representing the Polish cause in the West. PNC questioned the steps taken by the military authorities; in view of the significance of the problem Roman Dmowski, president of the organization, himself took on the task of examining and clarifying the problem. The Central Military Archives contain a thorough, 22-page report that is the result of this action. A broader background of the events was constituted by the problems of organizational and political nature, causing that the accession to the emerging army turned out to be a disappointment for many volunteers – as well as the defeats of the allied armies in spring 1918. Moreover, the whole incident is interesting in the context of relations between civil authorities and the army: their different priorities, hierarchy of needs, and also sensitivity.

RU

Во второй половине июня 1918 г., непосредственно после введения в военные действия отрядов 1 Полка Польских Стрелков, в них произошло несколько инцидентов дезертирства. Попытка выяснить ситуацию, которую предприняло командование полка, привела к увеличению конфликта, создав угрозу слаженности польской армии, создаваемой во Франции с августа 1917 г. Этот конфликт возымел также и более широкие, политические, последствия. Это происшествие вызвало беспокойство Польского национального комитета (ПНК) – организации, образованной в августе 1917 г., представляющей польские дела на западе. Комитет поставил под сомнение шаги, предпринятые военным командованием, а исследование и выяснение ситуации, принимая во внимание ее значение, взял на себя Роман Дмовски, возглавлявший ПНК. В Центральном военном архиве хранится 22-страничный рапорт, являющийся результатом предпринятых действий. Более широкий контекст событий составляли проблемы организационного и политического характера, которые привели к разочарованию многих из тех, кто желал добровольно присоединиться к формирующейся армии (можно предположить, что это разочарование коснулось и поражения союзных войск весной 1918 г.). Кроме того, весь инцидент любопытен в контексте отношений между гражданской властью и армией – их различий в приоритетах и восприятии ситуации, а также в их иерархии потребностей.

PL

W drugiej połowie czerwca 1918 r., bezpośrednio po wprowadzeniu do walki jednostek 1 Pułku Strzelców Polskich, doszło w nim do kilku wypadków dezercji na stronę nieprzyjaciela. Próba wyjaśnienia sytuacji, podjęta przez dowództwo pułku, doprowadziła do przekształcenia się incydentu bez znaczenia w poważny konflikt groźny dla spoistości Armii Polskiej tworzonej we Francji od sierpnia 1917 r., a mający też i szersze implikacje polityczne. Wydarzenie to wywołało zaniepokojenie Komitetu Narodowego Polskiego – instytucji powstałej w sierpniu 1917 r., reprezentującej sprawę polską na Zachodzie. KNP zakwestionował kroki podjęte przez władze wojskowe; wobec zaś wagi problemu zadanie zbadania i wyjaśnienia sytuacji wziął na siebie sam jego prezes, Roman Dmowski. W zasobie CAW znajduje się obszerny, 22-stronicowy raport będący plonem podjętej akcji. Szersze tło wydarzeń stanowiły zaznaczające się problemy natury organizacyjnej oraz politycznej, za sprawą których akces do formującej się armii był dla wielu ochotników rozczarowaniem, obok – jak można przypuszczać – klęsk armii alianckich wiosną 1918 r. Poza tym cały incydent jest interesujący w kontekście relacji pomiędzy władzami cywilnymi a wojskiem: odmiennych priorytetów, hierarchii potrzeb i wrażliwości.

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Raport Komitetu Narodowego Polskiego o sytuacji w I pułku strzelców polskich (lipiec 1917 r.)

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Kawalec K.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2018

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vol. 50

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issue 4

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Debata: Architekci niepodległości

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Gmurczyk-Wrońska M., Libera P., Kawalec K., Kornat M., Nowak A., Suleja W.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2018

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vol. 50

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issue 3

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2 Dzieje Najnowsze

1 Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy

1 Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi

3 2018

1 2011

4 Kawalec K.

1 Gmurczyk-Wrońska M.

1 Kornat M.

1 Libera P.

1 Nowak A.

1 Suleja W.

Przewrót majowy jako etap w narastaniu w polskim życiu politycznym tendencji skrajnych

Incydent. Komitet Narodowy Polski wobec perspektywy usunięcia z Armii Polskiej we Francji ochotników wywodzących się spośród jeńców z armii niemieckiej (lipiec 1918 r.).

Raport Komitetu Narodowego Polskiego o sytuacji w I pułku strzelców polskich (lipiec 1917 r.)

Debata: Architekci niepodległości