Search results

1

Evolution of an Approach to the Problem of Relations which Public Authority May Enter, as a Condition for EU Membership

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Potorski R., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2012

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issue 1 (1)

PL

In the light of the evolution of political systems the classical model of national state does not have the potential to fully explain the complex of a state (public power) both current state and international relations. The new forms of governing the international markets and other economic processes, currently emerging, are engaging national governments. However, given a new role, the countries begin to function less as “sovereign” beings and more as components of international political community. At the same time occurs the engagement of non-governmental actors, employed to make important public decisions – it redefines society from being an object of governance to being a potential resource that needs to be activated in the pursuit of good public governance.That is why, moving away from the centrally understood model of decision-making known from the nation-state determines understanding of modern relations that public authority takes part in (such as the membership in the structures of the European Union – which is connected to a change in conditions of established patterns of governing). To explain that phenomenon it is used the concept of a hollow state.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761

2

The category of nation state in the light of requirements regarding contemporary processes of shaping public policies

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Potorski R., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2019

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issue 2

EN

During the 2019 campaign to the European Parliament, it was often argued that the situation in which EU institutions can make decisions that de facto legally affect public authorities of a given state in shaping policies on its territory violates this state’s sovereignty. Another argument was that such a situation would seriously limit the possibility of satisfying the needs of citizens of the state in question. The above logic assumes that maintaining the principles of nation state with regard to a state’s political system would guarantee the citizens greater control over public decisions and ensure that their needs are met. This type of argumentation has been present for a long time in the discourse on Poland’s membership in the European Union.The objective of the presented research is to elucidate what exactly it would mean for an average citizen (considering their potential influence on shaping public policies) to introduce a political system based on the so often evoked concept of a nation state in its original, literal sense. To meet the above objective, the text presents the original meaning of the category of a nation state and its constituent parts, followed by an analysis whether and possibly why the understanding of these elements has evolved. Finally, the entire cognitive process leads to a firm conclusion that a return to political relations based on the classical approach to the category of a nation state would lead to contemporarily unacceptable effects on the position of individuals in democratic political systems. This also means that the categories of a nation state and sovereignty can evolve and a discussion on the changing scope of their meaning is fully acceptable.

3

Surprise, an Anniversary Gift or a Real Challenge? Quick View on the Election of Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council

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Potorski R., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2014

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issue 2 (6)

PL

Ten years after Poland’s accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland’s position in the EU is true and our country is indeed “playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.

4

Crises as Factors Motivating Changes in Creating Public Policy in the European Communities / European Union

100%

Potorski R., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2014

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issue 2 (6)

PL

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the “empty chair” crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

5

SOCIAL MANDATE FOR POLISH LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE POWER CENTRAL ORGANS IN THE FACE OF CHALLENGES THAT AWAIT THE EU. THE QUESTION OF FOR PUBLIC PARTICIPATION

100%

Potorski R., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2016

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issue 1

PL

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

6

Social Dimension of the Judicature of the Court of Justice. Analysis on the Basis of Judgment in the Stehcempt Case (C-277/14)

100%

Potorski R.

Kultura i Edukacja

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2016

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issue 4(114)

187-199

EN

Sociolegal situation of Poland is now a lot different from the one before 2004. Membership of our country to an integrative organization with such an advanced character as the European Union causes that it is necessary to take a wider look at the issue of functioning of the political system patterns, as well as, as a consequence, at entities and methods which may be taken into account during public decision making. Here one of the most interesting issues, and as it seems still least learned aspects of the EU governance is proceeding participation of the judicial sector of the EU within political life of the member states. Aim of the author is to verify a research assumption that the CJ jurisdiction has a serious social dimension, noticeable also for Polish nonpublic actors. According to the principle of the CJ judicature, today named as quasiprecedent, each nonpublic body may point to previous judgements of the Court each time it assumes that it might have positive effects. But when we take into account how large that source is today possibility of such situation is high.

7

Research Methods in Politics (second edition, comprehensively revised and updated), pod red. Petera Burnhama, Karin Gilland Lutz, Wyna Granta, Ziga Layton-Henry’ego, wyd. Palgrave McMillan, Basingstoke 2008, ss. 370

100%

Potorski R.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2010

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vol. 26

185-188

8

Urszula Jaremba, National Judges As EU Law Judges: The Polish Civil Law System, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden–Boston 2014, pp. 421

100%

Potorski R.

Kultura i Edukacja

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2015

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issue 4 (110)

235-238

9

The Contribution of the European Union’s Jurisdictional Policy to the Functioning of the Polish Political System

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Potorski R.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 30

104-118

PL

Przynależność naszego kraju do organizacji integracyjnej o tak zaawansowanym charakterze i wielopłaszczyznowej konstrukcji jak Unia Europejska sprawia, iż koniecznym jest szersze spojrzenie na problem rodzimego systemu politycznego. Będąc nowym państwem członkowskim Polska (tak organy władzy, jak i społeczeństwo) dopiero „uczy się uczestnictwa” w procesie integracji. Nie jest to jednakże zadaniem prostym, albowiem Unia jest najbardziej zaawansowaną strukturalnie organizacją międzynarodową na świecie o niepowtarzalnej budowie i metodach funkcjonowania, gdzie stwarzane są ramy dla mechanizmów prawnych nie mających bezpośrednich analogii w systemach krajowych. Jednym z nich jest stałe posługiwanie się orzecznictwem sądu międzynarodowego jakim przecież jest TS w realizacji bieżących zadań wewnątrz-państwowych. Nie obarczonym bowiem błędem jawi się konstatacja, że rozstrzygnięcia Trybunału stają się elementem, który może i powinien być uwzględniany podczas procesu podejmowania decyzji politycznych w ramach Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Uprawnionym wydaje się w związku z tym postulat szerokiego informowania o samym fakcie, ale także i konsekwencjach wynikających z tego, że Trybunał Sprawiedliwości stał się immanentną częścią polskiego systemu

EN

The fact that our country belongs to the European Union, an integration organization of such an advanced character and multilevel construction, necessitates deeper insight into the issue of our political system. As Poland is a new member state, it is currently “learning how to participate” in the integration process, which refers both to its authorities and society. However, it is not an easy task because the Union is the most structurally advanced international organisation in the world, with unique construction and methods of operation, which develops the framework for legal mechanisms finding no direct analogy in national systems. One of these mechanisms is the fact that judicature of an international court, i.e. the Court of Justice, is constantly used for executing current internal tasks of the state. It seems justifiable to note that the Court’s judicature is becoming a factor which may and should be taken into consideration in the policy decision-making process in the Republic of Poland. Thus, we should widely inform about the consequences of the fact that the Court of Justice has become an immanent part of the Polish system.

10

Rzecz o bestiach, zgromadzeniach i publicznej partycypacji. Czyli o społecznym wymiarze orzecznictwa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w analizie na wybranych przykładach

100%

Potorski R.

Kultura i Edukacja

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2016

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issue 3(113)

86-104

EN

Judicial control of the conformity of law to the constitution nowadays serves as one of the basic guarantees of the observance of the constitution. In majority of continental European states it is performed by a particular body a constitutional court. So the same is true in Poland, however it seems still to be one of the least understood aspects of the functioning of our political system. And especially with regard to the opportunities offered by that for nonpublic entities to protect their rights and to influence the public decision making process. The awareness in this respect seems to be on a very low level. That is why the aim of the author is to verify a research assumption that the Constitutional Court jurisdiction has a serious social dimension, noticeable for Polish nonpublic actors.

11

Poland’s Foreign Policy towards the European Union 2015-2017: A Hard Cooperation Model or a Collision Course?

63%

Willa R., Potorski R.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2018

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vol. 60

163-181

PL

Po 1989 roku priorytetem Polski w polityce zagranicznej było najpierw dążenie do uzyskania członkostwa, a następnie zacieśnianie więzi łączących ją z Sojuszem Północnoatlantyckim i z Unią Europejską. Tego obrazu nie zmącił nawet krótki okres (2005–2007) sprawowania władzy w kraju przez koalicję eurosceptyków i skrajnej prawicy. Dało się już jednak wówczas zauważyć inny sposób myślenia czy to o roli polityki zagranicznej w ramach polityk państwowych, czy także o modelu jednoczenia Europy. Po kolejnych 8 latach funkcjonowania Polski w głównym nurcie procesów integracji europejskiej na krajowej scenie politycznej nastąpił gwałtowny zwrot w prawo i tym samym przejęcie pełnej i samodzielnej władzy przez partię Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. Od tego czasu obserwujemy, nasilający się niemal z każdym dniem, spór na linii Warszawa–Bruksela. Od czego się on zaczął? Jakich kwestii dotyczy? Jakie są możliwe scenariusze rozwoju wydarzeń? Spróbujemy na te i inne pytania odpowiedzieć w niniejszym artykule.

EN

After 1989, Poland’s foreign policy initially prioritized aiming for membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and, upon achieving this goal, the focus shifted to strengthening the bonds with these organizations. This very image was not disturbed even by a short period of time (2005–2007), during which a coalition of the Euroskeptics and the extreme Right ruled the country. However, some symptoms were noticeable back then, regarding a certain change in the manner of thinking about the role of the foreign policy within the framework of state policies or about the model of the unification of Europe. After 8 more years of Poland’s existence within the main trend of European integration processes, a rapid shift to the right occurred on the domestic political scene and in consequence the Law and Justice party achieved full and selfcontained authority. Since that very moment, we have been observing a Warsaw-Brussels conflict that seems to be escalating with almost every passing day. What initiated the conflict? What matters does it concern? What is the possible course of events? In this article, we shall attempt at providing an answer to these, as well as other questions.

Refine search results

Evolution of an Approach to the Problem of Relations which Public Authority May Enter, as a Condition for EU Membership

The category of nation state in the light of requirements regarding contemporary processes of shaping public policies

Surprise, an Anniversary Gift or a Real Challenge? Quick View on the Election of Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council

Crises as Factors Motivating Changes in Creating Public Policy in the European Communities / European Union

SOCIAL MANDATE FOR POLISH LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE POWER CENTRAL ORGANS IN THE FACE OF CHALLENGES THAT AWAIT THE EU. THE QUESTION OF FOR PUBLIC PARTICIPATION

Social Dimension of the Judicature of the Court of Justice. Analysis on the Basis of Judgment in the Stehcempt Case (C-277/14)

Research Methods in Politics (second edition, comprehensively revised and updated), pod red. Petera Burnhama, Karin Gilland Lutz, Wyna Granta, Ziga Layton-Henry’ego, wyd. Palgrave McMillan, Basingstoke 2008, ss. 370

Urszula Jaremba, National Judges As EU Law Judges: The Polish Civil Law System, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden–Boston 2014, pp. 421

The Contribution of the European Union’s Jurisdictional Policy to the Functioning of the Polish Political System

Rzecz o bestiach, zgromadzeniach i publicznej partycypacji. Czyli o społecznym wymiarze orzecznictwa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w analizie na wybranych przykładach

Poland’s Foreign Policy towards the European Union 2015-2017: A Hard Cooperation Model or a Collision Course?