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PL
Praca Kresowy kalejdoskop Włodzimierza Mędrzeckiego dotyczy procesów społecznych i przemian narodowościowych na Ziemiach Wschodnich II RP oraz polityki państwa wobec nich. W ocenie tej polityki autor uniknął stronniczości narodowej oraz teleologii i prezentyzmu. Mędrzecki nie odniósł się do modelu kolonializmu w interpretacji rządów Polski na Kresach w okresie międzywojennym. Jednak jego książka dostarcza materiału do rozmyślań nad przystawalnością tego modelu do historii relacji Polski z jej wschodnimi sąsiadami.
EN
The book Kresowy kalejdoskop (Kaleidoscopic Borderlands) by Włodzimierz Mędrzecki deals with social processes, and national and ethnic changes in the eastern territories of the Second Polish Republic as well as the state policy towards them. In his assessment of this policy, the author managed to avoid national bias as well as teleology and presentism. Mędrzecki did not refer to the model of colonialism in the interpretation of Polish rule in the Eastern Borderlands throughout the interwar period. His book, however, offers material for reflection on the relevance of this model to the history of Poland’s relations with its eastern neighbours.
PL
Artykuł recenzyjny zawiera analizę podejścia Paula Roberta Magocsiego do historii i współczesności Rusi Karpackiej w jego pracach na ten temat. Autor rozpatruje sposób opowiadania przez kanadyjskiego historyka o dziejach tego regionu z jednej strony w porównaniu z jego syntezą historii Ukrainy, z drugiej – w odniesieniu do założeń modernizmu i konstruktywizmu w studiach nad narodem i nacjonalizmem. The review article presents an analysis of Paul Robert Magocsi’s approach to the history and present time of Carpathian Rus’ evident in his texts on the subject. The author investigates the ways in which the Canadian historian describes the history of the region in comparison with his synthesis of the history of Ukraine on the one hand, and with premises of modernism and constructivism in his studies on nations and nationalism on the other.
PL
Central Europe (East-Central Europe) or Extolling Diversity and ComparatisticsThis essay is, on the one hand, historiographic and, on the other hand, politological. In the first part the author analysed ways of using the terms: “Central Europe” and “East-Central Europe” in contemporary multi-volume syntheses of the region’s history, as a rule spanning from the ninth-tenth century to the end the last century. In the second part he shared reflections on the shaping of the common, supra-national identity of Central (East-Central) Europe from the middle of the nineteenth century and the question why at present it is not expressed in the existence of a regional political or economic organisation uniting the interests of itsmembers.The author expressed the conviction that in reference to the past it is possible to apply the concept: “Central (East-Central) Europe” albeit in each epoch phenomena that granted this region its specificity represented a different intensity and range; hence, the boundaries of the region in question were frequently subjected to changes. The second postulate formulated by the author and addressed to historians is the avoidance of identity narration based on a negative reference to “outer” objects. In syntheses of the region such a point of reference is to this very day Russia, treated, predominantly in Polish historiography, as a “civilisation” that does not meet the standards of theWest.The author believes that it is possible to speak about a more permanent East-Central Europe only starting from the mid-nineteenth century, when there came being an outline of the idea of solidarity in the struggle conducted by nations against empires. The experiences of the twentieth century – symbolised by the events of 1918, 1945 and 1989 – also granted an increasing number of joint features to the region from Estonia to Albania and contributed to the establishment of regional supra-nationalidentity.Theendofthe“brieftwentiethcentury”andthepost-1989achievementbythe states of the region of membership in Western structures (NATO, EU) contributed to weakening the feeling of regional bonds. Such contemporary phenomena as: the renationalisation of foreign policies, obsessive memories of events from the 1939–1989 period,growingtensionwithneighbouringcountriesandconcernabouttheidentityofthe“small”nationsinanepochofglobalisationarethereasonwhythepro-communitypotentialofEast-CentralEurope,mouldedintheprevioushalfacentury, iswaning.
EN
Polish authorities have placed so much importance on remembrance policy since the end of 2015 that it has led to the hypertrophy of the phenomenon. From the 1990s, Poland has been at the forefront of shaping the infrastructure of this form of politics in Europe. Admittedly, even before 2015, national remembrance policy referred mainly to martyrologic and heroic experiences from the period 1939-1956, but it was the victory of Law and Justice in the elections in 2015 and the creation of a oneparty government that resulted in the repeated official declarations of the necessity to defend national “dignity”. This has been accompanied by wiping from national memory past crimes committed by Poles, particularly against Jews.
EN
This essay contains reflections on the role of war in European history and on contemporary Europeans’ awareness of the wars currently underway. In the historical part of the text, the author refers to the classic justification of the creation of a state as an alternative to war. The author recalls the conflicts and destruction in Europe to the end of the nineteenth century – an era in which war theoreticians and national leaders treated war as an acceptable tool for obtaining political aims. Then the author presents the world wars of the twentieth century as a threat to the existence of Europe and the process of building – in this century and with the large participation of Europeans – an international system to prevent conflicts. In the part referring to contemporary times, the author claims that in Europe wars are perceived almost exclusively as “local” conflicts, occurring far from European borders. Europeans are little aware of the fact that the sources of the wars in the Middle East and Africa are today global in nature and could affect Europeans themselves. The reluctance to admit these facts appears to be greatest in Poland and its neighboring countries in East Central Europe, where the attention of governments, public opinion, and even academics, is focused on the region’s twentieth-century wars.
PL
This article contains a comparative analysis of presentations in selected Polish periodicals in November 2018 of the war between Poland and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic over Lviv and Eastern Galicia in the years 1918–1919. In an analysis of the media discourse the author takes into account factographic, axiological, teleological, ideological, and political dimensions. He distinguishes five conventions for the presentation of the events: national-dramatic, national-heroic, martyrological-defamatory, tragic, and tragi-comical. He argues that not all have been represented in the different models of memory policy functioning in the public debate in Poland under the governments of the Law and Justice party (2015–2019). He considers that there have been four such models: the nationalist-Catholic, conservative-nationalist, universalist-patriotic, and self-critical. He argues that the rightist political party (Law and Justice) has long aligned itself with the conservative-nationalist model, while centrist groups, and especially the leftist group, do not attach great importance to memory policy. The author points to the danger resulting from neglect of historical issues in the Polish media.
EN
This article includes an analysis of results of a research on collective memory, carried out by authors at the request of the National Centre of Culture (Ukraine, 2016) and within the project financed by the NCC (Poland, Ukraine, 2018). The analysis reveals the diversity of attitudes towards World War II and the communist/Soviet rule amongst the residents of four different regions in each of the countries, basing on the assessment of historical role and feelings of support or opposition towards the individuals and events of those times. The diversity of opinions in Ukraine turned out high. Integrated group of national heroes includes individuals from the times of revolution (1919–1921) and the dusk of Soviet rule, but not the World War II period. Whereas in Poland a larger integration of collective memory referring to the 20th century history is present, nevertheless big differences in the level of knowledge about individuals and historical events between the regions were observed.
EN
The article discusses the transformation of Ukraine from a peripheral colony to a European nation-state. It examines changes in the interpretation of UkrainianRussian relations in historiography, public perceptions, and museum exhibitions related to the ongoing war. It demonstrates that since 24 February 2022, Ukraine’s politics of memory has exclusively followed a continuously expanding anti-colonial perspective. The article highlights a shift in Ukrainian society’s view of its past, with growing interest in the country’s history and a move away from the Soviet perspective. Museums are crucial in shaping these narrative changes and fostering Ukrainian national identity. The article also explores societal transformations since 1991, showing an increased identification with the state and a gradual distancing from Russia. This is accompanied by a westward turn in geopolitical orientation and a desire to join the European Union. The National Museum of History of Ukraine in the Second World War in Kyiv serves as an example of these processes, reflecting a nuanced portrayal of the war and of its human dimension. The museum’s commitment can be seen as a pillar of a nation-state building project, with symbolic identification shifting from the East to the West, towards the EU and NATO.
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