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EN
This paper is dedicated to the involvement of Poland in the European Union’s military operations in Africa in the 2010s. The development of military capabilities is not one of the European Union’s priorities. Nevertheless, the EU is an active participant of the international communities’ efforts to aid African states, including the use of armed forces. The vast majority of such EU missions have been undertaken in Africa. Despite the fact that this region is not a priority of Poland’s foreign and security policies, Poland has actively participated in such actions, primarily due to the peculiarities of contemporary security threats and Poland’s approach to the process of European integration. However, after initial experiences, Poland limited its involvement, due to the limited impact on the achievement of national objectives related to the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. This has been reflected in both official documents and political practice associated with deploying troops on foreign soil. The author sets forth a thesis that these limitations are too substantial, and that there are reasons for greater Polish involvement in the European Union’s military missions.
EN
The aim of the article is to identify and analyse the relationship between events in Ukraine in 2014 and changes in defense policies of selected European Union countries. The author assumes that at least some of the countries belonging to the European Union have changed their defense policy. They limited the reduction of defense expenditures and even started to increase them. Especially countries bordering on the Russian Federation. Verification of this hypothesis can be carried out on the basis of defense white papers published in 2014–2017 or similar documents. Moreover, by analyse of the actions which have been taken to implement the adopted assumptions. The neorealistic approach was considered to be the right research perspective.
PL
Celem artykułu jest wskazanie relacji pomiędzy wydarzeniami, które miały miejsce na Ukrainie w 2014 roku i latach następnych, a zmianami w politykach obronnych wybranych państw Unii Europejskiej. Autor zakłada, że przynajmniej część z państw należących do Unii Europejskiej zmieniła swoją politykę obronną. Ograniczyła redukcję wydatków obronnych, a nawet rozpoczęła ich zwiększanie. Szczególnie w państwach graniczących z Federacją Rosyjską. Weryfikację tej hipotezy można przeprowadzić w oparciu o publikowane w latach 2014–2017 białe księgi obronności, lub dokumenty o tożsamym charakterze. Ponadto poprzez wskazanie działań (lub ich braku) realizowanych przez rządy państw zgodnie z przyjętymi założeniami. Za właściwą perspektywę badawczą uznano podejście neorealistyczne.
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2010
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vol. 7
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issue 7
81-91
PL
The author tries to answer the question, whether the Polish military in Iraq during 2003–2004 was prepared to meet the expectations of political powers, and how the real accomplishments of the Polish Army in the stabilization process in Iraq looked like. This requires the presentation of goals, and means to achieve the final effects of Polish soldiers’ actions during that time-without leaving out the difficulties and problems they faced while performing their duty. I hope that this article which is based on interviews with commanding officers and private soldiers, will be an excellent source of knowledge of many problems and ways of their resolution that occurred while preparing this mission. This knowledge should be the most important especially now, when Poland is engaged in the Afghan war.
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