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Strategic reassurance - nowa koncepcja czy słabość polityki USA wobec Chin? 

100%
Kostrzewa M.
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
|
2011
|
issue 1
83-109
PL
The author of this article analyzes a new idea introduced to the American policy toward China upon taking over by Democrats and the Administration of the White House. Searching the answer to the question what 'strategic reassurance' is in bilateral and multilateral US-China relations he enters the course and results of B. Obama's first state visit to China in 2009 and surveys strategic interests of the US and China in the Pacific area. He comes to the conclusion that 'strategic reassurance' is a rule and it is not a concept of American policy in bilateral relations with China, which for its substance and political nature will not be introduced to them, following the rule of 'status quo' in the Taiwan Strait, a new quality and will not eliminate tensions that may originate in them. Functioning of this rule in bilateral relations meets strategic interests of China, because theoretically it increases a foresee ability proportion of B. Obama's new Administration actions and in comparison to G. W. Bush policy creates a perspective for more stable environment. In the context of the US multilateral relations this term meets conceptual criteria of a new strategic vision of American policy toward Asia, including key role of ASEAN i, in order to balance the powers rank changing as a consequence of rising China, with no undermining its position in the region. 
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Polityka piątej i szóstej generacji przywódców chińskich. Kontynuacja czy zmiany systemowe?

100%
Kostrzewa M.
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
|
2012
|
issue 4
77-112
PL
The author analyzes the problem with the vision of Chinese domestic and foreign policy after the 2012 power transfer to the fifth generation of its leaders. It also discusses appointing the sixth generation of leaders, who are to take over in 2022. In the conclusions and key findings, the author highlights that, at present, there is no threat for the process of power transfer to come out from under the control of the CPC, and not to complete in accordance with its mechanism. One should not expect, however, the liberalization of politics and the state system in China. Larger confidence, higher assertiveness and the rise of global ambitions, along with readiness for the change of global norms and institutions will characterize the foreign policy of the new Chinese central authorities. The author assesses that some threat to the continuation of the undertaken reforms can constitute the renaissance of Maoism that can now be seen in China, and which is supported by some politicians. However, its potential is not dangerous enough to change the course of the modernization process in China. There exists an overall consensus among the fifth and sixth generation of leaders in relation to the national goals and strategy of China. The designation of someone from Inner Mongolia by Hu Jintao to become a sixth generation leader will confirm long running concerns of state leadership over domestic separatism, and the threat to the system it brings.
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