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The Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The organisation of work, competences and legal status of deputies

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2014
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issue 2 (18)
187-213
PL
Zgodnie z Konstytucją Republiki Kazachstanu z 30 sierpnia 1995 r. Kazachstan jest państwem o ustroju prezydenckim. Władza wykonawcza w Kazachstanie jest egzekutywą dwuczłonową, tj. składa się z wybieranej na okres siedmiu lat w wyborach powszechnych, równych, bezpośrednich i tajnych głowy państwa – prezydenta republiki, oraz odpowiedzialnego przed prezydentem i parlamentem rządu. W oparciu o postanowienia rozdziału 12. Konstytucji Republiki Kazachstanu z 28 stycznia 1993 r. jednoizbowy parlament występujący pod nazwą „Rada Najwyższa” stanowił jedyny organ przedstawicielski i ustawodawczy republiki. Dwa lata później, w sierpniu 1995 r., w trakcie referendum ogólnokrajowego biorący w nim udział obywatele opowiedzieli się za utworzeniem parlamentu dwuizbowego. Organizację i działalność władzy ustawodawczej, jej strukturę i kompetencje, reguluje Konstytucja Republiki Kazachstanu, Ustawa Konstytucyjna № 2529 z 16 października 1996 r. zatytułowana O parlamencie Republiki Kazachstanu i statusie jego deputowanych oraz inne akty, m.in. regulaminy parlamentarne obu izb, czy też przyjęty podczas wspólnej sesji obu izb parlamentu Republiki Kazachstanu w dniu 20 maja 1996 r. Regulamin parlamentu Republiki Kazachstanu. Jak przewiduje art. 49 konstytucji, dwuizbowy parlament Republiki Kazachstanu jest najwyższym przedstawicielskim organem Republiki wykonującym funkcje ustawodawcze. Parlament Republiki Kazachstanu jest klasycznym przykładem legislatywy biernej, zdominowanej przez prezydenta, prezydencką partię polityczną, i posiadającej niski poziom autonomii. Podsumowując, warto odnotować, że parlamenty są niewątpliwie instytucjami, które należy traktować jako organy sprzyjające stabilizacji systemu politycznego. Stabilność taka zaś – zdaniem Philipa Nortona i Davida M. Olsona – może zostać osiągnięta wtedy, gdy istnieje równowaga legitymizacji wewnątrz systemu.
EN
According to the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan of 30 August 1995, Kazakhstan has a presidential form of government. The executive power in Kazakhstan has two branches, i.e. it consists of the head of state – the President of the Republic – who is elected for the period of seven years in general, equal, direct and secret elections, and of the government, which is accountable to the President and the Parliament. On the basis of the provisions of chapter 12 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan of 28 January 1993, the unicameral parliament called the „Supreme Council” was the only representative and legislative body of the Republic. Two years later, in the referendum held in August 1995, citizens voted for the establishment of a bicameral parliament. The work and activity of the legislative branch, its structure and powers, is regulated by the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, The Constitutional Law № 2529 of 16 October 1996 entitled On the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Status of Its Deputies as well as other acts, such as parliamentary rules of procedure of both chambers or the Regulations of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan adopted by both chambers of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan at their joint session As stipulated in art. 49 of the Constitution, the bicameral Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan is the highest representative body of the Republic performing legislative functions. The Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan is a classic example of a passive legislature, which is dominated by the president, the presidential political party, and which has a low level of autonomy. To sum up, it must be noted that parliaments are undoubtedly institutions which should be considered as the bodies conducive to the stability of a political system. According to P. Norton and D.M. Olson, such stability can be achieved when there is the balance of legitimisation within the system.on 20 May 1996. 1
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United for the Common Cause: Thoughts on the Act on Petitions of 11 July 2014

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2017
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vol. 1 (46)
199–217
EN
The paper investigates legal funding of the right to petition in Poland. It starts from a comparative background and it introduces the institution in a wider context, as a transparent and accessible for citizens legal solution, that has become an essential instrument of contemporary direct democracy and civic society. The author discusses regulations of the 2014 Acts on Petitions with reference to the Constitution of Poland and organisation of the Sejm and the Senate proceedings. Moreover, the study has placed the right to petition in a fieldwork of Polish system of human rights protection and Polish legal system in general. Finally, the paper presents results of opinion polls on direct democracy and civic engagement in Poland to discuss them with reference to previously presented construction of the right to petition as a legal institution. The author concludes with a relevant question on its further development in times of deep polarisation of Polish politics and during the Constitutional Crisis in the county.
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Election Dilemmas. Does the Education of a Candidate for Parliament Influence Electoral Decisions?

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2019
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issue 5 (51)
145-157
EN
The strength of the parliament in the political system is largely dependent on its profes- sionalism defined by the activity of its deputies. Polish MPs’ level of education is high, of- ten higher than the West European average. The aim of this paper is to find out whether candidates’ education is an electoral criterion, whether voters base their decisions on the prospective deputies’ qualifications and skills confirmed by university diplomas. The study the results of which I present below was carried out between December 2018 and February 2019 as part of the nationwide research project Political preferences. Attitudes – Identifica- tions – Behaviors. It was conducted with the application of the survey questionnaire method.
PL
Siła parlamentu w systemie politycznym w znaczącym stopniu zależy od jego profesjonalizmu definiowanego działaniami podejmowanymi przez deputowanych. Poziom wykształcenia posłów w polskim parlamencie jest wysoki, niejednokrotnie wyższy od średniej na zachodzie. Celem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie czy wykształcenie kandydatów na posłów stanowi kryterium wyborcze, czy wyborcy podejmując decyzje wyborcze zwracają uwagę na kwali- fikacje i umiejętności kandydujących do parlamentu potwierdzone dyplomami uczelni wyż- szych. Badania, których wyniki prezentuję poniżej, zostały przeprowadzone w okresie gru- dzień 2018 – luty 2019 w ramach ogólnopolskiego projektu badawczego Preferencje polityczne. Postawy – Identyfikacje – Zachowania. Przeprowadzono je metodą kwestionariusza ankiety.
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Remarks on The System of State Authorities in the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan of 8 December 1992

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2016
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issue 6 (34)
35-57
EN
The aim of this article is to present the system of state authorities in the Republic of Uzbekistan, shaped under the provisions of the existing fundamental law amended in 2014. We will also address the question whether the implemented reform of an institutional character means the adoption of a democratic form of government.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie systemu organów państwowych w Republice Uzbekistanu, ukształtowanego zgodnie z przepisami obowiązującego prawa gruntownie znowelizowanego w 2014 r. Postaram się również odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy wdrażane reformy o charakterze instytucjonalnym oznacza wprowadzenie demokratycznej formy rządów.
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Reflections on the Proposal to Introduce a Term Limit for Elected Officials Effects and Implications

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Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2018
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vol. 4 (47)
752-761
EN
The problem of the lack of “generational replacement” in Poland is particularly evident on the local self-government level. For years, there has been an ongoing public debate on the adoption of legal solutions introducing term-limits for the office of commune head, mayor and president of the city. Politicians of Law and Justice returned to their idea from 2005 and, shortly before the local elections of 2018, decided to prepare new regulations in this respect. They argued that the adopted solutions create real prospects for implementing projects by young politicians and activists. However, the issue was hotly debated and the initiators’ motives were put into question. There is no doubt that a two-term limit in local selfgovernment units has always stirred up emotions. A lot of self-government officials perceive it as a regulation which violates the provisions of the Constitution of the RP. The aim of this paper is to present the public debate on the adopted solutions and discuss their assumptions.
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A REVIEW OF THE BOOK: M. CHMAJ, W. SKRZYDŁO, SYSTEM WYBORCZY W RZECZYPOSPOLITEJ POLSKIEJ [THE ELECTION SYSTEM IN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND], WOLTERS KLUWER POLSKA – LEX, WARSAW 2011, PP. 182.

100%
Marszałek-Kawa J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2013
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vol. 42
355-358
7
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Sites of Memory in the Public Space of Chile and Georgia: the Transition and Pre–Transition Period

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Marszałek-Kawa J., Ratke-Majewska A. C.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2016
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vol. 45
99–116
EN
By undertaking discussion on the aspect of special forms of commemoration, we may obtain a lot of useful information about the remembrance policy of a given country. That is why the analysis of the issue of the sites of memory seems to be of key importance for understanding problems related to the state’s interpretation of the past from the perspective of an authoritarian regime, political transition and democracy. The aim of this paper is to address one of the elements of a broader issue, i.e. the study of the politics of memory. This element focuses on the presentation of the most significant sites of memory in two countries with the experience of authoritarianism – Chile and Georgia – emphasizing changes which took place in the sphere of commemoration from the beginning of democratic transformation to the moment of achieving full democracy. By describing these places we are showing the main directions and framework assumptions of the remembrance policies of Chile and Georgia, reflected in the form of spatial and visual objects of the “living history”.
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FRANÇOIS HOLLANDE - A HOPE FOR CHANGE THE FIRST YEAR’S BALANCE OF THE GOVERNMENT AT THE ELYSEE PALACE

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Marszałek-Kawa J., Morin F.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2014
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vol. 43
141-154
EN
In the very first years of his presidency, François Mitterrand noticed that he will really be successful on that day when another socialist will be elected as a president of the Republic. This statement seemed to be prophetic with the victory of François Hollande, which took place 24 years after the victory of François Mitterrand and – after the sequential defeats of the Socialist Party’s candidates Lionel Jospin (in 1995 and 2002) and Ségolène Royal (in 2007) – allowed them finally to take the helm of the French government. The tension between two, yet different visions for the future of the state is so large that, according to some politicians of PS, the PSA action was not accidental. To end with, it should be noted that the answer to the difficult question of the direction of changes in the PS 12 – more to the left or toward the centre – will be possible in the autumn of 2012, when it will be resolved in a public debate a sensitive question of future pensions of the French.
9
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Native Americans’ Right to Vote – Selected Aspects

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Marszałek-Kawa J., Dahl M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2019
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issue 6 (52)
165-183
EN
The purpose of this paper is to verify the thesis that the right to vote is one of the most significant fields of Indigenous Peoples Rights’ violations. History of the U.S. relations with Native tribes is a history of broken treaties and promises, including these pertain- ing to voting. It is vital to keep track of issues related to voting rights, not only because of the constantly increasing number of court cases related to this issue, but also several legal initiatives proposed in Congress with the aim to make the right to vote more ap- plicable. The first part of the paper enumerates the main reasons for the denial of In- dian Voting Rights. It is followed by the explanation how these limitations were imple- mented. The third part of the work describes how the Indigenous Americans struggled to receive the right to vote. However significant the moment of gaining the right was, it did not put an end to their struggle for equal treatment. On the contrary, a list of court cases based on Voting Rights Act violations is still extending, which is described in the fourth part of the paper. The fifth part examines contemporary issues regarding the Na- tive Americans’ right to vote.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zweryfikowanie tezy, według której czynne prawa wyborcze są jedny- mi z najczęściej łamanych praw przysługujących ludności rdzennej. Historia stosunków USA z plemionami Indian Ameryki Północnej charakteryzuje się szeregiem zerwanych traktatów i niedotrzymanych obietnic, w tym dotyczących praw wyboru przedstawicieli na poszczególnych szczeblach władzy. O ważkości opisywanych zagadnień świadczy nie tylko systematycznie rosnąca liczba spraw sądowych dotyczących praw wyborczych, ale także szereg inicjatyw prawnych zaproponowanych w amerykańskim Kongresie w celu lepszego ich egzekwowania. W pierwszej części artykułu wymieniono główne przyczyny pozbawiania Indian czynnych praw wyborczych. Następnie wyjaśniono, w jaki sposób ograniczenia te zostały wdrożone. W trzeciej części autorzy wskazali na najważniejsze etapy, jakie musieli pokonać rdzenni Amerykanie w procesie ubiegania się o zagwaran- towanie prawa do głosowania. Ostateczne uzyskanie czynnych praw wyborczych nie za- kończyło walki rdzennych Amerykanów o równe traktowanie. Wręcz przeciwnie, lista spraw sądowych opartych na naruszeniach Ustawy o prawie do głosowania wciąż się roz- szerza, co opisano w czwartej części artykułu. Część piąta analizuje współczesne kwestie dotyczące czynnego prawa wyborczego Indian Ameryki Północnej.
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The 3rd International Asian Congress, Toruń 18–20 May 2016

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Marszałek-Kawa J., Gburzyńska N.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2016
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issue 6 (34)
387-389
11
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COMPULSORY PARTNERSHIP ACTIVITIES: THE BIGGEST CHALLENGES FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN THE LOCAL DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE. The Case of the Implementation of the Local Directive on Advertising (RLP)

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Marszałek-Kawa J., Morin F.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2013
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vol. 42
47-59
EN
The 5th French Republic was established aft er a period of parliamentary instability of the 4th Republic. It emerged from the concept of Charles de Gaulle, who presented its main ideas in his speech in Bayeux in 1946. As researchers indicate, the Constitution of the 5th Republic of 1958 met a wave of criticism after it came into force. For some it meant the introduction of the authoritarian political system in the state; others saw it as a system that will stabilize the situation in France and will prompt its development. It must also be noted that, although the French constitution has been amended a few times, its structure has never been questioned – even when some politicians changed their political stance and electorate. It is also worth pointing out that the critics of the existing political system focus on the excessive centralization of power in the executive bodies and on the minor role of public opinion in the formation of state ss policy. It should be noted here that until the constitutional reform of 2008, only the executive branch had initiated a referendum.
12
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The Political Participation of Radical Parties in a Local Democracy

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Marszałek-Kawa J., Hołub A.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2020
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issue 6 (58)
643-652
EN
When criticizing the principles of liberal democracy, radical parties, both leftand right, take advantage of this particular type of democracy by participating in local and nationwide elections. They take part in each subsequent election under their flag or by putting up candidates on the lists of other electoral committees. The major aim of the parties when participating in elections is to promote their political appeal and reaching the biggest number of local communities possible. Under the mechanisms of local democracy, including local government elections, radical parties can join in the decision-making system by investing relatively little resources.
PL
Poprzez krytyczne odniesienie się do demokracji liberalnej partie radykalnej lewicy i prawicy zyskują przewagę w tym konkretnym typie demokracji na drodze uczestnictwa w wyborach samorządowych, parlamentarnych i prezydenckich. Partie te biorą udział w każdych kolejnych wyborach pod swoją banderą lub poprzez umieszczanie kandydatów na listach innych komitetów wyborczych. Głównym celem tych partii podczas udziału w wyborach jest promocja ich własnych poglądów politycznych oraz dotarcie do największej możliwej liczby lokalnych społeczności. W ramach funkcjonowania mechanizmów lokalnej demokracji, w tym wyborach samorządowych, partie radykalne mogą zyskać udział w procesach decyzyjnych, inwestując relatywnie niewiele zasobów.
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Uczestnictwo Sejmu i Senatu w procedurze kontroli przestrzegania zasady subsydiarności a przyszłość parlamentów narodowych w procesach decyzyjnych Unii Europejskiej

63%
Potorski R., Marszałek-Kawa J.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2023
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issue 3(176)
107-130
EN
The dispute over the division of powers and the burden of competence presumption between the European Union and its Member States has been going on practically from the very beginning of the integration process and has become an immanent part of the political system of the EU and of the decision-making process functioning within its framework. One of the most important steps to clarify this issue was the introduction of the principle of subsidiarity, which clearly indicated the mode in which institutions of the EU could exercise specific powers when shaping public policies. Another step was the inclusion of national parliaments in the process of safeguarding compliance with this principle, which was related to the ongoing debate on the reduction of the so-called “democratic deficit”, that occurs during public policy-making processes in the EU. From a purely theoretical point of view, one could conclude that the inclusion of national parliaments in the creation of public policies at such an important stage should be equivalent to offering them vast opportunities to influence the decision-making process within the framework of the political system in the EU. Moreover, after Poland’s accession to the EU, our national parliament has become a legitimate user and beneficiary of these regulations. It is thus fully justified to ask the question about the actual efficacy of the existing solutions and the possible direction in which national parliaments will evolve in the process of integration. Having this in mind, the authors of the study set themselves several fundamental research objectives. The first is to assess the extent to which the Parliament of the Republic of Poland is prepared and able to use the procedure for monitoring compliance with the principle of subsidiarity. The second, and equally important, research goal concerns the identification of the actual influence of national parliaments on public policy-making processes within the EU political system through the procedure for safeguarding compliance with the principle of subsidiarity. It is also the intention of the authors to identify the possible direction in which the position of national parliaments will evolve in the EU decision-making processes.
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Miejsce stałego zamieszkania kandydata jako determinanta decyzji wyborczych w wyborach samorządowych w Polsce

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Marszałek-Kawa J., Rezmer-Płotka K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2021
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issue 1(162)
211-223
EN
Among the many determinants of political behaviour in democratic systems, electoral decisions can be considered crucial. In line with the theory of rational choice voters cast their votes for those candidates who represent their important interests. Searching for factors determining contemporary politics is one of the basic tasks of social science researchers. The aim of this article is to determine whether a candidate’s place of permanent residence in a district plays a significant role in the political behaviour of people voting in local government elections and whether — thus — it can be included in the above set. The research hypothesis is that a candidate’s place of permanent residence matters for electoral decisions made in local government elections in Poland. The research was conducted between December 2018 and February 2019 as part of the nationwide research project “Political preferences. Attitudes — identifi-cations — behaviours”. The sample was selected in a quota and stratified manner. Indivisible strata were provinces (N = 16), while quota included elements such as gender, age and place of residence (urban/rural). The research team consisted of 16 provincial coordinators. The research, involving 968 participants, was conducted using a survey questionnaire. The results obtained confirm the great importance of the candidate’s place of residence as a determinant of electoral decisions, and also the validity of Article 10 § 1 point 3 of the Electoral Code.
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Выборы Президента Республики Узбекистан

50%
Marszałek-Kawa J.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2014
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vol. 2(7)
320-322
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