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EN
This article describes the complicated relationships between power and religion in the contemporary Azerbaijan. During the Soviet times religious formed an ideological battlefront and their followers were persecuted. Currently, the Republic is declared a secular state. Islam plays only a very limited role in the political sphere and only a small part of the population supports the idea of establishing an “Islamic order”. Among the Muslim majority, religious observance varies and Muslim identity tends to be based more on culture and ethnicity rather than religion. The Muslim population is approximately 85% Shi’a and 15% Sunni differences traditionally have not been defined sharply. Azerbaijan has the second highest Shia population percentage in the world after Iran.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia skomplikowane relacje władzy i religii we współczesnym Azerbejdżanie. W czasach radzieckich religia stanowiła ideologiczny front walki a wyznawcy islamu byli prześladowani. Obecnie, Demokratyczna Republika Azerbejdżanu jest państwem świeckim. Islam odgrywa w sferze politycznej ograniczoną rolę i jedynie mała część obywateli wspiera ideę ustanowienia islamskiego porządku. Wśród muzułmańskiej większości istnieje zróżnicowane postrzeganie miejsca religii w życiu, a muzułmańska tożsamość wywodzi swoje zakorzenienie raczej z kultury i etniczności niż religii. Różnice między szyitami a sunnitami nie są definiowane w sposób radykalny. Azerbejdżan posiada drugą co do wielkości populacje szyitów w świecie po Iranie.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie sytuacji mniejszości berberyjskiej w Maroku w kontekście marokańskiej historii i formowania się nowoczesnego narodu marokańskiego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem pozycji berberyjskich kobiet w społeczeństwie. Walka kobiet berberyjskich o upodmiotowienie stanowi część szerszego procesu odzyskiwania przez Berberów ich tożsamości w sferze kultury i języka oraz walki marokańskich kobiecych organizacji pozarządowych o równouprawnienie w Królestwie. Pomimo zbliżonych celów, berberyjskie i marokańskie organizacje kobiece wykazują odmienne zakorzenienie kulturowe.
EN
The paper aims to present the Berber minority in the context of the Morocco’s history and formation of the modern Moroccan nation, with special focus on Berber women’s position in the society. The struggle for empowerment of Berber women is linked to a broader process of recovery of the Berber identity within the sphere of culture and language and to the activity of the Moroccan women’s organizations advocating for gender equality in the Kingdom. In spite of converging goals, major diff erences can be observed between the Berber and Moroccan organizations pointing to diverse cultural roots of both movements.
EN
The paper discusses Jordan’s national identity formed at specific historical and political times: the colonial rule, the creation of the State of Isreal and the current balance of power in the Middle East. It identifies the dynasty of Hashemites as the foundation of Jordan’s national project and the author of transformation of its national identity during the Kingdom’s brief history. Shape of Jordan identity, particularly is a source of cooperation with the Arab world.
PL
Artykuł omawia jordańską tożsamość narodową, kształtowaną w szczególnych warunkach historycznych i politycznych: porządku kolonialnego, powstania państwa Izrael i współczesnego układu sił na Bliskim Wschodzie. Wskazuje na dynastię Haszymidów, jako fundament jordańskiego projektu narodowego i autora przemian owej tożsamości w ciągu krótkiej historii Królestwa. Kształt jordańskiej tożsamości jest szczególnie źródłem współpracy ze światem arabskim.
EN
Many polish people perceive differences between the cultures and societies of the Western and Eastern Europe. For years Ukrainians were described in entirely pejorative terms, because of difficult relationships between Poland and Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the Second World War. The purpose of this article is to describe the basic terms of sociology such as nation, collective consciousness, national stereotypes, national identity, and the role and influence of the negative stereotypes on the image of Ukrainians in polish society. Polish people believe that their social values are in sharp contrast to the Ukrainians ones, but this negative perspective was abandoned after Orange revolution and revolution in 2014. The reports and analysis of the attitudes of public opinion emphasize that the Polish public have changed their opinion towards Ukrainians.
EN
The article dwells on the complex problem of globalisation and, in particular, on its influence on both modern Western and traditional Arab societies. It presents the dilemmas related to the contact of local culture and the modern one in the context of the Arab world. Apart from this, it touches upon some of the basic problems related to globalisaton, such as the asymmetrical development of particular regions of the world, the restricted role of the nation state, the impact of globalisation on the social environment and the emergence of trends towards particularism, aimed against the process of uniformising the world.
EN
With few exceptions the Arab world has made a big progress toward political liberalization in the recent two years. Morocco could be a model to follow for other countries if it sustains current direction of political change. The King Muhammad VI decided to lead important reforms: amendment to the Constitution, separation of the structures of power and independence of the judiciary. In this way, the situation has not led to signifiant outburst of citizen anger and rioting like in a number of Arab states. Political and social reforms were initiated by the King addressing the requests and needs of the society, for example the reform of family code called Mudawwana. Muhammad VI recognized the multicultural roots of Moroccan society, confirmed gender equality and extended the freedom of speech. Yet, these changes did not address the needs of all social groups. Demands for more responsive and accountable government, pressures for economic reforms, and greater pluralism in the shaping of public policy arose in Morocco. Nevertheless, opposition considered these changes insufficient, given the scale of youth unemployment, lack of prospects, failure of woman’s rights and crisis of education. In Morocco state legitimacy does not decline because of a particular position of the King, religious legitimacy of power and specific political culture of Moroccan society. According to many analysts, the Kingdom of Morocco did not dismantle the basic structures of power, especially the influential elite institution – machzen.
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