Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 25

first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
1

Góry Kaukaz jako wrota Orientu. Motywy orientalne w twórczości Tadeusza Łady-Zabłockiego

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Góry, Literatura, Kultura
|
2017
|
vol. 11
111-141
EN
The East, its culture and literature were always part of the rich, erudite poetic imagination of Tadeusz Łada-Zabłocki (1811–1847), a tsarist exile to the Caucasus. He spoke Oriental languages (Georgian and Persian) and had a thorough knowledge of the Koran, a short fragment of which he even translated (probably from French). Although today we only have his poetry inspired by the Caucasian mountains, he was also no stranger to extensive travel accounts (unfortunately, his Dziennik podróży mojej do Tyflisu i z Tyflisu po różnych krajach za Kaukazem (Journal From My Journey To and From Tiflis Across Various Countries Beyond the Caucasus) and notes from his Armenian expedition were lost). An important source of inspiration for Zabłocki, encouraging him to explore the East, were the Philomaths’ translations of Oriental poetry by Jan Wiernikowski and Aleksander Chodźko, while his model of reception of the Orient were the oeuvres of Mickiewicz (primarily his Crimean and Odessa Sonnets), Byron and Thomas Moore (especially the fragment of Lalla Rookh — Paradise and the Peri). The exile brutally brought Zabłocki into contact with the real Orient, terribly dangerous and diametrically different from the one described by Western travellers. It is, therefore, not surprising, that their superficial and simplified accounts were criticised by the Polish poet and soldier. Zabłocki’s oeuvre, both pre-exile and Caucasus period works, is full of various Oriental reminiscences: from the Biblical topos of the Paradise ab Oriente, through numerous splendid images of Caucasian nature, scenes from the life of Caucasian highlanders, poetic imitation of the metre of Caucasian folk dances, apt ethnographic observations in the verses, borrowings from Oriental languages, extraordinarily sensual eastern erotic poems, to translations of texts of Caucasian cultures (Tatar, Azeri and Georgian songs). Zabłocki drew on both folk culture of Caucasian tribes, and on Eastern mythologies as well as universal culture of the Islamic world. He presents an ambivalent image of Caucasian highlanders in his poetry: sometimes they acquire traits of noble, free, valiant and indomitable individuals, typical of the Romantic idea of highlanders, on other occasions the label “Son of the East” becomes a synonym of Asian barbarity. Freed from the service in the tsarist army, Zabłocki planned travels across nearby Persia, Asia Minor, and even Arabia, Nubia and Palestine. However, the plans never became a reality, owing to a lack of funds and the poet’s early death of cholera. Zabłocki’s “Eastern” oeuvre fully reveals the “liminal”, demarcational nature of the Caucasian mountains, for centuries constituting the limes between Europe and Asia, the East and the West, a meeting place of the Christian and the Muslim Orients.
2

Michała Andrzejkowicza-Butowta odkrywanie gór Kaukazu

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Góry, Literatura, Kultura
|
2018
|
vol. 12
191-223
EN
Among Polish exiles who became fascinated with the Caucasus and explored them was Michał Andrzejkowicz-Butowt (ca 1816–1860), a graduate of the University of Vilnius. He spent as much as 18 years in the Caucasus, which enabled him to thoroughly explore this mountainous region (especially its Georgian and Dagestan parts). His forced stay in the region resulted in the two-volume Szkice Kaukazu (Caucasus sketches) (Warsaw 1859), an excerpt from which was published in the 1840s in the Athenaeum magazine by J.I. Kraszewski. Apart from this work, the only surviving writings of Butowt are his letters from the 1840s and 1850s written to Kraszewski and kept in the Jagiellonian Library (5 letters). Andrzejkowicz travelled for about 2,500 kilometres in the Caucasus. His Szkice reveal the author’s great fascination with mountain landscapes of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Dagestan. The several years spent in Shura in the 1840s and participation in military expeditions organised there enabled him to explore and describe in detail the highland wilderness of Dagestan and Chechnya. The Sketches document an interesting oronymic initiative by Andrzejkowicz: he gave the name of “new Olympus” to Mount Achymer (Russian Анчимер) above the village of Andi in western Dagestan (today probably Mount Bakhargan in the Andean Ridge near the border with Chechnya). Like other Caucasian exiles (e.g. Gralewski), the author of the Szkice Kaukazu saw the need for a precise, scientific, rational and cataloguing description of the Caucasus Mountains. The research was to be a continuation of the work of the scholar Jan Potocki, a pioneer of Polish research in this region of the world. Andrzejkowicz’s work reveals the scholarly aspirations of Polish Caucasian Romanticism and is an important contribution to the development of Polish Caucasian studies.
3

Góry Kaukaz w poezji zesłańczej Tadeusza Łady-Zabłockiego

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Góry, Literatura, Kultura
|
2015
|
vol. 9
155 - 190
EN
Among the Polish exiles to the Caucasus in the 19th century the greatest master of mountain themes seems to be the most eminent representative of the so-called “Tbilisi Group”, Tadeusz Łada- Zabłocki, in whose collection Poetry of the Third Period. Written Beyond the Caucasus. 1838–1845 (Petersburg 1845) no fewer than 31 (out of 40) poems were directly or indirectly associated with the mountains. The poet got to know the geographical and cultural realities of the Caucasus (mountain tops, passes, valleys and rivers, mountain shrines, nature’s curiosities etc.) very well during his wanderings over the region lasting several years (as a soldier he travelled across today’s Georgia, Dagestan, Chechnya, Armenia and its border with Turkey and Persia). Zabłocki’s mountain poetry is clearly ambivalent. On the one hand, the Caucasus is presented in it as a funeral space, the setting for the tragedy of captivity and extermination, an ominous border separating the exiles from their homeland and their loved ones. Zabłocki’s is a peculiar, deeply pessimistic, even depressive, variant of the Romantic mountain landscape. His vision is both mythologised and literary, stemming from an experience of the landscape through an archetypal cultural tradition (the Prometheus myth). Other poems, on the other hand, are characterised by an approving, even affirmative attitude to the mountains. However, it is difficult to divide the poems strictly into two groups: perspectives sometimes merge, overlap and get reversed even within one piece. In Zabłocki’s poetic visions of the summits, passes, valleys and rivers of the Caucasus it is not difficult to find well-known clichés and scenarios, typically Romantic or pre-Romantic (like a metaphysical and emotional attitude, anthropocentrism, animisation, anthropomorphisation, monumentalisation and verticalisation of the mountains, all the Romantic models of “experiencing the summit” etc.). Like other mountains, the Caucasus Mountains, too, evoke in works by authors from that era notions like eternity, infiniteness, God, Nature, nature, mysticism, loneliness, freedom etc. They are hyperpoetic and hierophantic. However, the poet’s experiences of captivity, depression and pain in the Caucasus build semantics of a landscape completely different from the one known from the works of our bards eulogising mountains of the West, far-away North or the South, creating an unprecedented landscape, completely unlike the Romantic variant of the “Alps” or “Tatras”.
4
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Wspólnotowe i prywatne przestrzenie wolności w kaukaskiej literaturze zesłańczej

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2023
|
vol. 18
|
issue 13
119-148
EN
Caucasian exile literature of the 19th century accumulates records of various ways of experiencing freedom in spite of physical enslavement. An objective, external form of manifesting freedom, often taking on a community character, was conducting a political „apostolic” mission consisting in preaching the idea of freedom; conducting research and scientific work, maintaining ties with national literature, reading individual or aloud in group of exiles. No less important, however, was „touching” freedom in an individual, subjective interior: by releasing unlimited spaces of imagination and launching the creative processes of the creative „I”; thanks to dreams and memory; in love, and finally in contact with nature, which was for romantics a gateway to transcendence. The essence of these poetic visions of „liberation” is in fact the projection of a return to the Paradise.
PL
Kaukaska literatura emigracyjna XIX wieku kumuluje zapisy różnych sposobów doświadczania wolności pomimo fizycznego zniewolenia. Obiektywną, zewnętrzną formą manifestowania wolności, często przybierającą charakter wspólnotowy, było prowadzenie politycznej misji „apostolskiej” polegającej na głoszeniu idei wolności; prowadzenie badań i pracy naukowej, utrzymywanie więzi z literaturą narodową, czytanie indywidualne lub głośne w grupie zesłańców. Nie mniej ważne było jednak „dotykanie” wolności w indywidualnym, subiektywnym wnętrzu: poprzez uwolnienie nieograniczonych przestrzeni wyobraźni i uruchomienie procesów twórczych twórczego „ja”; dzięki marzeniom i pamięci; w miłości, wreszcie w kontakcie z naturą, która była dla romantyków bramą do transcendencji. Istotą tych poetyckich wizji „wyzwolenia” jest w istocie projekcja powrotu do Raju.
5
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Poetyka – estetyka – metafizyka

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2013
|
vol. 8
|
issue 3
135-163
EN
The modern era has developed poetics very different from Plato’s philosophy of objective beauty and generally inconsistent with or at least indifferent to metaphysics (Baumgarten, Kant). Also romanticists, especially those whose theoretical and literary thought followed the German idealism, were often detached from metaphysical ground (in its proper sense). The natural consequence of choosing this particular way of thinking in the modern paradigm in the 20th century has been the postmodern polyphony in literary theory. A separate and a very mature attitude regarding the form of poetics and its theoretical considerations has been adopted by the author of "Rzecz o wolności słowa" ("About the Freedom of the Word"), who referred to the metaphysical category of "mimesis" (closely linked to his concept of man – "imago Dei") and returned to the concept of objective beauty ("Promethidion"), thus radically overcoming the weakness of modern poetics.
PL
Nowożytność stworzyła poetykę oderwaną od Platońskiej filozofii piękna obiektywnego i na ogół rozmijającą się z metafizyką lub przynajmniej wobec niej indyferentną (Baumgarten, Kant). Także romantycy, zwłaszcza podążający w refleksji teoretycznoliterackiej za niemiecką filozofią idealistyczną, byli często oderwani od gruntu metafizycznego (we właściwym tego słowa znaczeniu). Naturalną konsekwencją wyboru takiego kierunku myślenia w paradygmacie nowożytnym stała się w XX wieku postmodernistyczna polifonia w teorii literatury. Odrębne i bardzo dojrzałe stanowisko w kwestii kształtu poetyki i warunkujących ją rozważań teoretycznych zajął autor Rzeczy o wolności słowa, który poprzez przywiązanie do metafizycznej kategorii mimesis (ściśle powiązanej u niego z wizją człowieka – imago Dei) oraz powrót do idei piękna obiektywnego (Promethidion), radykalnie przezwyciężał słabość poetyk nowożytnych.
6
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid’s Roma antiqua in its full glory

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2019
|
vol. 37 English Version
227-247
EN
Magdalena Karamucka’s book Antyczny Rzym Norwida [Norwid’s Ancient Rome] is the first monographic study of the problem addressed in the title. Ancient Rome is presented in this valuable study from different perspectives: as a geographical, historical and cultural reality and as a literary topos. The starting point for the discussion is a chapter devoted to a Roman episode of Norwid’s biography and his Roman readings. Another subject of analysis are the poet’s political, religious and historiosophical reflections about Rome and his remarks on literature, art and Roman theatre. The main, comparative part is devoted to a meticulous analysis of reminiscences, quotations (paraphrases), titles, etc. taken from works of Roman authors (including Catullus, Horace, Juvenal, Ovid, Virgil), Norwid’s translational work and his Roman correspondence. However, Norwid’s Roma antiqua presented in the monograph is not frozen in a dead form. The author shows in an interesting and convincing way how this romanitas becomes a starting (or reference) point for the author of Quidam in his reflections on almost all aspects of his contemporary times.
7

Norwid’s literary “Etruscan” works

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2018
|
vol. 36 English Version
217-250
EN
Norwid’s stay in Florence – the capital of the former Etruria – in the 1840s coincided with the height of European interest in Etruscan culture. In Italy, there were numerous Etruscan museums, mainly private ones, with magnificent collections from excavations. In Europe (Italy, France, Germany and Great Britain) a lot of interesting and usually richly illustrated publications on the Etruscans were published. Norwid could have become familiar with a good selection of these works at the University Library in Berlin, and also in Italy itself. It seems, however, that his Etruscan passion was born in Poland, in the paint shop of Aleksander Kokular. In the Warsaw years, the poet must have visited the magnificent Gallery of Antiquity in Wilanów (where his teacher – Kokular, produced various paintings) and as a “student” of fine arts he had to know the pioneer work (and collections) of S.K. Potocki O sztuce u dawnych, czyli Winckelmann polski, three chapters of the book were devoted to Etruscan art. Not without significance were Norwid’s contacts (domestic and Parisian) with the “Etruscan” collectors: the Potocki, Czartoryski and Działyński families. The Etruscans left their mark both in the notebooks and in the works of the author of Quidam, from his Italian period (which is obvious) to the novel Tajemnica lorda Singelworth written shortly before his death; thus Norwid’s fascination with Etruscan culture and art lasted until the end of his life. Interestingly, the notes also confirm his presence at one of the most recent archaeological sites of that time: in the presumed tomb of the Etruscan ruler Porsenna. All these facts make Norwid one of the few Polish Romantics (alongside J.I. Kraszewski) who were deeply and substantively interested in this archaeological and cultural theme. Norwid’s literary and plastic “Etruscan” works also constitutes an important – equal to the vision of British, Italian and French artists – contribution of the Polish “magician” to saving and preserving the Etruscan heritage in the culture (and awareness) of modern Europe.
8
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid’s way to Hafiz

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2018
|
vol. 36 English Version
5-58
PL
W twórczości Norwida odnaleźć można dalekie echa koncepcji sufickich. Jedną z nici wiążących tego polskiego poetę z nurtem muzułmańskiego mistycyzmu jest manifestująca się w Pismach wszystkich fascynacja Dywanem Hafiza (drugą – osoba Abd el-Kadera). Perski poeta-mistyk jest wspominany w dziełach polskiego autora pięć razy (dwa razy w listach oraz trzy razy w poematach: Assunta, Emil na Gozdawiu oraz A Dorio ad Phrygium). Jest dość wątpliwe, by w okresie przedemigracyjnym (warszawskim) Norwid zapoznał się z filareckimi przekładami gazelów Hafiza (Sękowski, Wiernikowski, Chodźko). Bramy do świata Hafizowskiego otworzyły przed nim raczej dopiero pełne niemieckie tłumaczenia Dywanu (Purgstall i inni) oraz liczne nawiązania tematyczne w utworach niemieckich romantyków (Goethe, Heine). Okazją do zetknięcia z nimi był pobyt Norwida w Berlinie w roku 1846 i kwerendy w tamtejszej Bibliotece Uniwersyteckiej. Niewykluczone, że rolę bodźca odegrała też amerykańska (i późniejsza) lektura dzieł Emersona. Świat liryki Hafizowskiej otwierały przed autorem Assunty także przekłady francuskie, choć tym przypaść musiała raczej rola drugorzędna, gdyż w wieku XIX były one stosunkowo nieliczne (przełożono zaledwie 32 utwory do śmierci Norwida). Lata emigracji paryskiej dostarczyły wielu nowych okazji, by pogłębić wiedzę o literaturze i kulturze Persji. Sprzyjał temu nie tylko sam pobyt w Paryżu, ale i obecność w gronie polskich emigrantów, wybitych iranologów, z którymi Norwid się stykał: Aleksandra Chodźki i Wojciecha Biberstein-Kazimirskiego (ten pracował z kuzynem Norwida – Michałem Kleczkowskim we francuskim MSZ). Apogeum fascynacji Norwida Hafizem przypadło na lata 70., choć wiele poszlak zdaje się wskazywać na Hafizowski patronat już nad Promethidionem. Suficka „alchemia miłości”, przenikająca strofy Dywanu Hafiza, znalazła odblask przede wszystkim w Assuncie. Motto do tego poematu zaczerpnął Norwid zapewne z francuskiego przekładu A Grammar of the Persian Language Williama Jonesa (tłum. Garciana de Tassy z 1845 r.), w której dwuwiersz ów znalazł się pośród przykładów perskiej składni (gazel, z którego pochodzi ów dystych, nie był jeszcze wówczas w całości przetłumaczony na francuski). Z kolei motto do Emila na Gozdawiu jest prawdopodobnie parafrazą gazelu przełożonego na język francuski przez tegoż Jonesa i zamieszczonego w jego Traktacie o poezji orientalnej jako Oda V. Wybór motta do Emila… świadczy o przynależności Norwida do elitarnej grupy XIX-wiecznych erudytów, którzy umieli dotrzeć do religijnego wymiaru poezji Hafiza, umykającego na ogół ówczesnym europejskim czytelnikom Dywanu. Szczególnie oryginalnym pomysłem polskiego poety było przywołanie tekstu z obszaru kulturowego islamu (a nie chrześcijaństwa!) dla potrzeb polemiki z russowskim laickim modelem wychowania oraz przeciwstawienie zsekularyzowanej mentalności europejskiej głębokiego, niewzruszonego zmysłu religijnego Orientu.
EN
In Norwid’s works one can find distant echoes of the Sufi concepts. One of the threads linking this Polish poet to the current of Muslim mysticism is his fascination with Hafiz’s Divan (and secondly – the person of Abd el-Kader) manifesting itself in Pisma wszystkie. The Persian poet and mystic is mentioned in the works of the Polish author five times (twice in letters and three times in poems: Assunta, Emil na Gozdawiu and A Dorio ad Phrygium). It is quite doubtful that Norwid became acquainted with philarete’s translations of Hafiz’s ghazals (Sękowski, Wiernikowski, Chodźko) in his pre-emigration (Warsaw) period. It was rather the full German translations of Divan (Purgstall and others) and numerous thematic references in the works of German Romantics (Goethe, Heine) that opened to him the gates to Hafiz’s world. Norwid could have been exposed to these during his stay in Berlin in 1846 while attending a query at the University Library there. It cannot be ruled out that also the reading of Emerson’s works during his American period (and later) could be his source of inspiration. The world of Hafiz’s lyric poetry could also spread open before Norwid owing to French translations, although their role was rather secondary, since in the 19th century they were relatively few (only 32 works were translated before Norwid’s death). The years of Parisian emigration provided many new opportunities to advance the know-ledge of Persian literature and culture. This was favoured not only by Norwid’s stay in Paris, but also by the presence, among Polish emigrants, of eminent iranologists with whom Norwid was in touch: Aleksander Chodźko and Wojciech Biberstein-Kazimirski (he worked together with Norwid’s cousin Michał Kleczkowski at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The height of Norwid fascination with Hafiz was in the 1870s, although many facts indicate that Promethidion might already have been inspired by Hafiz. The Sufi “alchemy of love” permeating the stanzas of Hafiz’s Divan found its reflection primarily in Assunta. Norwid took the motto for this poem probably from the French translation of A Grammar of the Persian Language by William Jones (translated by Garcin de Tassy in 1845), in which the couplet was among the examples of Persian syntax (the ghazal in which this couplet originated, was still not fully translated into French). In turn, the epigraph for Emil na Gozdawiu is probably a paraphrase of the ghazal translated into French by the same Jones and included in his Treatise on Oriental Poetry as Ode V. The choice of the epigraph to Emil... testifies to Norwid’s affiliation with an elite group of 19th-century erudite people who were able to get access to the religious dimension of the poetry by Hafiz, which generally remained hidden for the European readers of Divan at that time. A particularly original idea of the Polish poet was the evocation of a text from the area of cultural Islam (and not Christianity!) for polemics with the Rousseauean secular model of upbringing, and the juxtaposition of the secularised European mentality with the deep, unshakable religious sense of the Orient.
9
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

‘Ten sam jest Bóg’. Norwid – Abd el-Kader – Ibn ‘Arabi

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2016
|
vol. 34 English Version
23-60
EN
The main message of Norwid’s poem Do Emira Abd el Kadera w Damaszku [To Emir Abd el Kader in Damascus] of 1860 reveals his remarkable affinity for the ideas expressed by Abd el-Kader in his French work Rappel à l’intelligent, avis à l’indifferent. Considerations philosophiques, réligieuses, historiques etc. [Call to the intelligent, warning to the indifferent. Philosophical, religious, historical and related considerations] (Paris 1858). It is highly probable that Norwid was familiar with the text by the Algerian national hero, a mystic and an Islamic saint. The spiritual and intellectual closeness of these two remarkable thinkers of the 19th century is striking. The source of the religious universalism in Abd el-Kader’s thought is the legacy of his own spiritual master – the founding father of Muslim mysticism and the most famous Sufi theologian of late Islam – Ibn ‘Arabi. Norwid’s poetry introduced an idea of authentic dialogue of the West with the Arabic East to Polish literature. This dialogue rested on sound metaphysical foundations and on the universalist premises emerging from both traditions – occidental and oriental. In its weight and depth, this dialogue surpassed all the superficial fads and oriental stylisations typical of the epoch. Norwid and the Arab Emir of Damascus expressed unanimously their anxiety about the dangers that the European contemporaneity faced as a result of the false cultural and civilizational assumptions it decided to rest on. They both strove to reconstruct it in accord with a more promising model. They both believed as well that the reconstruction must begin with closing down (first mentally, then historically) the old time of Eurocentrism and religious exclusivism, to open a new era of global humanism.
10
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Społeczność i historia, czyli pieniądz i krew. Ekonomia w Vade-mecum Norwida

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2021
|
vol. 39
249-291
EN
The subject of money occupies a prominent place in Vade-mecum, reflecting the significance of finance and economy in socio-political and philosophical theories of the nineteenth century. The question of “capital” emerges in many poems from the cycle, e.g. in “Socjalizm” [Socialism], “Larwa” [The Larva], “Stolica” [Capital City], “Prac-czoło” [The-Forehead-of- Labor]“Syberie” [Syberias], “(Co słychać?)” [How are you?] and “Nerwy” [Nerves]. Norwid’s opus magnumwas written in the period of intense changes in capitalist economy, notably in the wake of the global crisis following the American Civil War (1866), whose consequences are discussed by Marx in the first volume of Capital (1867). The famous publication by the German economist constitutes an important context for Norwid’s cycle, although the two are worlds apart in ideological terms. The poet was nevertheless greatly inspired by Proudhon’s works, which he read in the 1840s alongside other utopian socialists (possibly Owen), who would propose abandoning money in its traditional form as an antidote to economic crises and mass poverty. Additionally, Norwid’s letter dated 15 July 1867 (PW IX, 297) contains a trace of the poet’s reading of August Cieszkowski’s treatise Du Crédit, et de la Circulation (Paris 1839) and proof of contacts with the economist Ludwik Wołowski, co-founder and director of the Parisian bank Crédit Foncier de France (established in 1852). The above two men introduced some of the brilliant credit ideas developed by Prince Drucki-Lubecki to the France of Napoleon III . In Vade-mecum Norwid polemicizes both with utopian concepts of a socialist, moneyless economy and with Polish organicist ideas basing on profit economy and visions of economic success. Norwid recognized their departure from the Decalogue, the category of “conscience,” and Christian soteriology. In this sense, Vade-mecum becomes a Romantic and Christian attempt to return the question of money to its original context: that of ideals and spiritual life.
PL
Temat pieniądza zajmuje w Vade-mecum poczesne miejsce, proporcjonalnie do pozycji, jaka przypadła finansom i ekonomii w koncepcjach polityczno-społecznych oraz filozoficznych XIX stulecia. Tematyka „kapitałowa” pojawia się między innymi w takich ogniwach cyklu, jak Socjalizm, Larwa, Stolica, Prac-czoło, Syberie, [Co słychać?], Nerwy. Norwidowskie opus magnum kształtowało się w atmosferze wielkiego przesilenia gospodarki kapitalistycznej: kryzysu światowego po wojnie secesyjnej (1866), którego skutki pokazał w pierwszym tomie swego Kapitału (1867) Marks. Słynna publikacja niemieckiego ekonomisty stanowi ważny, choć w sensie ideowym – biegunowo odległy, kontekst Norwidowskiego cyklu. Ważną inspiracją były natomiast dla poety czytane w latach 40. dzieła Proudhona i zapewne innych socjalistów utopijnych (może Owena), proponujące rezygnację z dotychczasowych form pieniądza jako antidotum na kryzysy ekonomiczne i nędzę mas. W liście Norwida z 15 lipca 1867 roku (PW , IX, 297) pojawia się ponadto ślad lektury rozprawy Augusta Cieszkowskiego pt. Du Crédit, et de la Circulation (Paris 1839) oraz dowód kontaktów autora Vade-mecum z ekonomistą Ludwikiem Wołowskim, współzałożycielem i dyrektorem paryskiego banku Crédit Foncier de France (zał. w r. 1852), którzy przenieśli do Francji Napoleona III genialne pomysły kredytowe księcia Druckiego-Lubeckiego. Norwid podejmuje w Vade-mecum polemikę zarówno z utopijnymi pomysłami socjalistycznej gospodarki bezpieniężnej, jak i z polskimi koncepcjami organicystycznymi, osadzonymi na ekonomii zysku i wizji sukcesu gospodarczego. Dostrzega ich oderwanie od Dekalogu, kategorii „sumienia” i chrześcijańskiej soteriologii. Vade-mecum staje się próbą (romantyczną i chrześcijańską) przywrócenia spraw pieniężnych do ich pierwotnego kontekstu: idealnego i duchowego.
11

Norwida droga do Hafiza

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2018
|
vol. 36
5-53
PL
W twórczości Norwida odnaleźć można dalekie echa koncepcji sufickich. Jedną z nici wiążących tego polskiego poetę z nurtem muzułmańskiego mistycyzmu jest manifestująca się w Pismach wszystkich fascynacja Dywanem Hafiza (drugą – osoba Abd el-Kadera). Perski poeta-mistyk jest wspominany w dziełach polskiego autora pięć razy (dwa razy w listach oraz trzy razy w poematach: Assunta, Emil na Gozdawiu oraz A Dorio ad Phrygium). Jest dość wątpliwe, by w okresie przedemigracyjnym (warszawskim) Norwid zapoznał się z filareckimi przekładami gazelów Hafiza (Sękowski, Wiernikowski, Chodźko). Bramy do świata Hafizowskiego otworzyły przed nim raczej dopiero pełne niemieckie tłumaczenia Dywanu (Purgstall i inni) oraz liczne nawiązania tematyczne w utworach niemieckich romantyków (Goethe, Heine). Okazją do zetknięcia z nimi był pobyt Norwida w Berlinie w roku 1846 i kwerendy w tamtejszej Bibliotece Uniwersyteckiej. Niewykluczone, że rolę bodźca odegrała też amerykańska (i późniejsza) lektura dzieł Emersona. Świat liryki Hafizowskiej otwierały przed autorem Assunty także przekłady francuskie, choć tym przypaść musiała raczej rola drugorzędna, gdyż w wieku XIX były one stosunkowo nieliczne (przełożono zaledwie 32 utwory do śmierci Norwida). Lata emigracji paryskiej dostarczyły wielu nowych okazji, by pogłębić wiedzę o literaturze i kulturze Persji. Sprzyjał temu nie tylko sam pobyt w Paryżu, ale i obecność w gronie polskich emigrantów, wybitych iranologów, z którymi Norwid się stykał: Aleksandra Chodźki i Wojciecha Biberstein-Kazimirskiego (ten pracował z kuzynem Norwida – Michałem Kleczkowskim we francuskim MSZ). Apogeum fascynacji Norwida Hafizem przypadło na lata 70., choć wiele poszlak zdaje się wskazywać na Hafizowski patronat już nad Promethidionem. Suficka „alchemia miłości”, przenikająca strofy Dywanu Hafiza, znalazła odblask przede wszystkim w Assuncie. Motto do tego poematu zaczerpnął Norwid zapewne z francuskiego przekładu A Grammar of the Persian Language Williama Jonesa (tłum. Garciana de Tassy z 1845 r.), w której dwuwiersz ów znalazł się pośród przykładów perskiej składni (gazel, z którego pochodzi ów dystych, nie był jeszcze wówczas w całości przetłumaczony na francuski). Z kolei motto do Emila na Gozdawiu jest prawdopodobnie parafrazą gazelu przełożonego na język francuski przez tegoż Jonesa i zamieszczonego w jego Traktacie o poezji orientalnej jako Oda V. Wybór motta do Emila… świadczy o przynależności Norwida do elitarnej grupy XIX-wiecznych erudytów, którzy umieli dotrzeć do religijnego wymiaru poezji Hafiza, umykającego na ogół ówczesnym europejskim czytelnikom Dywanu. Szczególnie oryginalnym pomysłem polskiego poety było przywołanie tekstu z obszaru kulturowego islamu (a nie chrześcijaństwa!) dla potrzeb polemiki z russowskim laickim modelem wychowania oraz przeciwstawienie zsekularyzowanej mentalności europejskiej głębokiego, niewzruszonego zmysłu religijnego Orientu.
EN
In Norwid’s works one can find distant echoes of the Sufi concepts. One of the threads linking this Polish poet to the current of Muslim mysticism is his fascination with Hafiz’s Divan (and secondly – the person of Abd el-Kader) manifesting it self in Pisma wszystkie. The Persian poet and mystic is mentioned in the works of the Polish author five times (twice in letters and three times in poems: Assunta, Emil na Gozdawiu and A Dorio ad Phrygium). It is quite doubtful that Norwid became acquainted with philarete’s translations of Hafiz’sghazals (Sękowski, Wiernikowski, Chodźko) in his pre-emigration (Warsaw) period. It was rather the full German translations of Divan (Purgstall and others) and numerous thematic references in the works of German Romantics (Goethe, Heine) that opened to him the gates to Hafiz’s world. Norwid could have been exposed to these during his stay in Berlin in 1846 while attending a query at the University Library there. It cannot be ruled out that also the reading of Emerson’s works during his American period (and later) was a kind of stimulus. The world of Hafiz’s lyric poetry could also spread open before Norwid owing to French translations, although their role was rather secondary, since in the 19th century they were relatively few (only 32 works were translated before Norwid’s death). The years of Parisian emigration provided many new opportunities to advance the know-ledge of Persian literature and culture. This was favoured not only by the stay in Paris, but also by the presence among Polish emigrants of eminent iranologists with whom Norwid was in touch: Aleksander Chodźko and Wojciech Biberstein-Kazimirski (he worked together with Norwid’s cousin Michał Kleczkowski at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The height of Norwid fascination with Hafiz was in the 1870s, although many facts indicate that Promethidion could already be inspired by Hafiz. The Sufi “alchemy of love” permeating the stanzas of Hafiz’s Divan found its reflection primarily in Assunta. Norwid took the motto for this poem probably from the French translation of A Grammar of the Persian Language by William Jones (translated by Garcin de Tassyin 1845), in which the couplet was among the examples of Persian syntax (the ghazelin which this couplet originated, was still not fully translated into French). In turn, the motto for Emil na Gozdawie is probably a paraphrase of the ghazel translated into French by the same Jones and included in his Treaty on Oriental Poetry as Ode V. The choice of the motto to Emil... testifies to Norwid’s affiliation with an elite group of 19th-century erudites who were able to get access to the religious dimension of the poetry by Hafiz, which generally remained hidden for the European readers of Divan at that time. A particularly original idea of the Polish poet was the evocation of a text from the area of cultural Islam (and not Christianity!) for the needs of polemics with the Rousseau eansecular model of upbringing, and the juxtaposition of the secularised European mentality with the deep, unshakable religious sense of the Orient.
12

Norwid i sybiracy

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2019
|
vol. 37
59-89
PL
Syberyjskie zsyłki przeorały świadomość Norwida już w latach gimnazjalnych (to jest 30. XIX w.), bowiem wtedy rozpoczęła się kolejna (po polistopadowej) ich fala. Temat zesłań i męczeństwa był często podejmowany przez Norwida w rozmowach i korespondencji z przyjaciółmi. Nawet pośród bliższych i dalszych krewnych (bądź powinowatych) poety nie brakowało ludzi dotkniętych wyrokami deportacji na Wschód (Józef Hornowski, Kleczkowscy, Konstanty Jarnowski). Lista Norwidowskich znajomych-sybiraków jest przerażająco długa: Karol Baliński, Maksymilian Jatowt (pseud. Jakub Gordon), Agaton Giller, Karol Ruprecht, Stefan Dobrycz, Andrzej Deskur, Bronisław Zaleski, Antoni i Michał Zalescy, Anna Modzelewska i jej brat, Aleksander Hercen, Piotr Ławrow. Zdarzały się też spotkania z zesłańcami bądź ich rodzinami przypadkowe (Aniela Witkiewiczówna, Aleksander Czekanowski). Norwid pilnie słuchał ustnych relacji tych, którzy powrócili, sięgał również po publikacje na tematy syberyjskie, ukazujące się od początku lat 50. (m.in. Gillera, Gordona, B. Zaleskiego). W swoich wystąpieniach i listach wielokrotnie zwracał uwagę na konieczność upamiętniania „wygnańców sybirskich” i udzielania im wsparcia – modlitewnego i materialnego, a także utworzenia Towarzystwa Syberyjskiego, „gdzie by dośrodkowały się wszystkie pojedyncze wycierpienia i zdobycze”. Otoczenie sybiraków opieką państwa i umożliwienie im powrotu do ojczyzny stało się nawet jednym z punktów Norwidowskiego projektu zasad ustrojowo-społecznych przyszłej Polski.
EN
The exiles to Siberia had a profound influence on Norwid’s consciousness already in his middle school years (i.e. in the 1830s) as the next wave (following the one after the failure of the November Uprising) began at that time. The subject of exile and martyrdom was often discussed by Norwid in conversations and correspondence with his friends. Even among the poet’s close and distant relatives, there were many people who were affected by the deportation to the East (Józef Hornowski, the Kleczkowski family, Konstanty Jarnowski). The list of Norwid’s friends who were deported to Syberia is horribly long: Karol Baliński, Maksymilian Jatowt (pseud. Jakub Gordon), Agaton Giller, Karol Ruprecht, Stefan Dobrycz, Andrzej Deskur, Bronisław Zaleski, Antoni and Michał Zaleski, Anna Modzelewska and her brother, Aleksander Hercen, Piotr Ławrow. There were also some occasional meetings with the exiled or their families (Aniela Witkiewiczówna, Aleksander Czekanowski). Norwid attentively listened to oral accounts of those who returned, he also read publications on Siberian themes published from the early 1950s (among others, by Giller, Gordon, B. Zaleski). In his speeches and letters he repeatedly drew attention to the necessity of commemorating the “Siberian exiles” and providing them with support – both spiritual and material – as well as establishing the Siberian Society, “where all single sufferings and conquest would come to balance”. Providing the exiled with state protection and enabling them to return to their homeland became even one of the points of Norwid’s project for the political and social principles of future Poland.
13

Norwid’s way to Hafiz

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2018
|
vol. 36 English Version
5-58
EN
In Norwid’s works one can find distant echoes of the Sufi concepts. One of the threads linking this Polish poet to the current of Muslim mysticism is his fascination with Hafiz’s Divan (and secondly – the person of Abd el-Kader) manifesting itself in Pisma wszystkie. The Persian poet and mystic is mentioned in the works of the Polish author five times (twice in letters and three times in poems: Assunta, Emil na Gozdawiu and A Dorio ad Phrygium). It is quite doubtful that Norwid became acquainted with philarete’s translations of Hafiz’s ghazals (Sękowski, Wiernikowski, Chodźko) in his pre-emigration (Warsaw) period. It was rather the full German translations of Divan (Purgstall and others) and numerous thematic references in the works of German Romantics (Goethe, Heine) that opened to him the gates to Hafiz’s world. Norwid could have been exposed to these during his stay in Berlin in 1846 while attending a query at the University Library there. It cannot be ruled out that also the reading of Emerson’s works during his American period (and later) could be his source of inspiration. The world of Hafiz’s lyric poetry could also spread open before Norwid owing to French translations, although their role was rather secondary, since in the 19th century they were relatively few (only 32 works were translated before Norwid’s death). The years of Parisian emigration provided many new opportunities to advance the know-ledge of Persian literature and culture. This was favoured not only by Norwid’s stay in Paris, but also by the presence, among Polish emigrants, of eminent iranologists with whom Norwid was in touch: Aleksander Chodźko and Wojciech Biberstein-Kazimirski (he worked together with Norwid’s cousin Michał Kleczkowski at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The height of Norwid fascination with Hafiz was in the 1870s, although many facts indicate that Promethidion might already have been inspired by Hafiz. The Sufi “alchemy of love” permeating the stanzas of Hafiz’s Divan found its reflection primarily in Assunta. Norwid took the motto for this poem probably from the French translation of A Grammar of the Persian Language by William Jones (translated by Garcin de Tassy in 1845), in which the couplet was among the examples of Persian syntax (the ghazal in which this couplet originated, was still not fully translated into French). In turn, the epigraph for Emil na Gozdawiu is probably a paraphrase of the ghazal translated into French by the same Jones and included in his Treatise on Oriental Poetry as Ode V. The choice of the epigraph to Emil... testifies to Norwid’s affiliation with an elite group of 19th-century erudite people who were able to get access to the religious dimension of the poetry by Hafiz, which generally remained hidden for the European readers of Divan at that time. A particularly original idea of the Polish poet was the evocation of a text from the area of cultural Islam (and not Christianity!) for polemics with the Rousseauean secular model of upbringing, and the juxtaposition of the secularised European mentality with the deep, unshakable religious sense of the Orient.
14
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid and the exiles to Siberia

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2019
|
vol. 37 English Version
61-95
EN
The exiles to Siberia had a profound influence on Norwid’s consciousness already in his middle school years (i.e. in the 1830s) as the next wave (following the one after the failure of the November Uprising) began at that time. The subject of exile and martyrdom was often discussed by Norwid in conversations and correspondence with his friends. Even among the poet’s close and distant relatives, there were many people who were affected by the deportation to the East (Józef Hornowski, the Kleczkowski family, Konstanty Jarnowski). The list of Norwid’s friends who were deported to Syberia is horribly long: Karol Baliński, Maksymilian Jatowt (pseud. Jakub Gordon), Agaton Giller, Karol Ruprecht, Stefan Dobrycz, Andrzej Deskur, Bronisław Zaleski, Antoni and Michał Zaleski, Anna Modzelewska and her brother, Aleksander Hercen, Piotr Ławrow. There were also some occasional meetings with the exiled or their families (Aniela Witkiewiczówna, Aleksander Czekanowski). Norwid attentively listened to oral accounts of those who returned, he also read publications on Siberian themes published from the early 1950s (among others, by Giller, Gordon, B. Zaleski). In his speeches and letters he repeatedly drew attention to the necessity of commemorating the “Siberian exiles” and providing them with support – both spiritual and material – as well as establishing the Siberian Society, “where all single sufferings and conquest would come to balance”. Providing the exiled with state protection and enabling them to return to their homeland became even one of the points of Norwid’s project for the political and social principles of future Poland.
15
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid’s literary “Etruscan” works

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2018
|
vol. 36 English Version
217-250
PL
Pobyt Norwida we Florencji – stolicy dawnej Etrurii – w latach 40. XIX w. przypadł na apogeum europejskiego zainteresowania kulturą etruską. We Włoszech działały wówczas liczne muzea etruskie, głównie prywatne, posiadające wspaniałe zbiory pochodzące z wykopalisk. W Europie (we Włoszech, Francji, Niemczech i Wielkiej Brytanii) ukazywało się mnóstwo interesujących i zwykle bogato ilustrowanych publikacji na temat Etrusków. Norwid mógł zaznajomić się ze sporym wyborem tych prac w Bibliotece Uniwersyteckiej w Berlinie, a także w samej Italii. Wydaje się wszakże, że jego pasja etruska zrodziła się już w Polsce, w malarni Aleksandra Kokulara. W latach warszawskich poeta zapewne wizytował wspaniałą Galerię starożytności w Wilanowie (gdzie jego nauczyciel – Kokular, wykonywał różne prace malarskie) i jako „student” sztuk pięknych musiał znać pionierskie dzieło (i zbiory) S.K. Potockiego O sztuce u dawnych, czyli Winckelmann polski, którego trzy rozdziały były poświęcone sztuce etruskiej. Nie bez znaczenia były też kontakty Norwida (krajowe i paryskie) z kolekcjonującymi „etruski” rodzinami Potockich, Czartoryskich i Działyńskich. Ślady Etrusków znajdujemy zarówno w notatnikach, jak i w twórczości autora Quidama, od tej z lat włoskich (co oczywiste) aż po przedśmiertną nowelę Tajemnicę lorda Singelworth; fascynacja kulturą i sztuką etruską trwała więc do końca życia Norwida. Co ciekawe, w notatkach zachował się też potwierdzony przez samego poetę ślad jego bytności na jednym z najświeższych stanowisk archeologicznych tamtych czasów: w domniemanym grobowcu etruskiego władcy Porsenny. Wszystkie te fakty czynią Norwida jednym z nielicznych polskich romantyków (obok J.I. Kraszewskiego), którzy byli głęboko i merytorycznie zainteresowani tym archeologiczno-kulturowym tematem. Norwidowskie „etruski” literacko-plastyczne to także ważny, równorzędny wobec wizji artystów brytyjskich, włoskich czy francuskich, wkład polskiego „sztukmistrza” w ocalenie i utrwalenie dziedzictwa Etrusków w kulturze (świadomości) Europy nowożytnej.
EN
Norwid’s stay in Florence – the capital of the former Etruria – in the 1840s coincided with the height of European interest in Etruscan culture. In Italy, there were numerous Etruscan museums, mainly private ones, with magnificent collections from excavations. In Europe (Italy, France, Germany and Great Britain) a lot of interesting and usually richly illustrated publications on the Etruscans were published. Norwid could have become familiar with a good selection of these works at the University Library in Berlin, and also in Italy itself. It seems, however, that his Etruscan passion was born in Poland, in the paint shop of Aleksander Kokular. In the Warsaw years, the poet must have visited the magnificent Gallery of Antiquity in Wilanów (where his teacher – Kokular, produced various paintings) and as a “student” of fine arts he had to know the pioneer work (and collections) of S.K. Potocki O sztuce u dawnych, czyli Winckelmann polski, three chapters of the book were devoted to Etruscan art. Not without significance were Norwid’s contacts (domestic and Parisian) with the “Etruscan” collectors: the Potocki, Czartoryski and Działyński families. The Etruscans left their mark both in the notebooks and in the works of the author of Quidam, from his Italian period (which is obvious) to the novel Tajemnica lorda Singelworth written shortly before his death; thus Norwid’s fascination with Etruscan culture and art lasted until the end of his life. Interestingly, the notes also confirm his presence at one of the most recent archaeological sites of that time: in the presumed tomb of the Etruscan ruler Porsenna. All these facts make Norwid one of the few Polish Romantics (alongside J.I. Kraszewski) who were deeply and substantively interested in this archaeological and cultural theme. Norwid’s literary and plastic “Etruscan” works also constitutes an important – equal to the vision of British, Italian and French artists – contribution of the Polish “magician” to saving and preserving the Etruscan heritage in the culture (and awareness) of modern Europe.
16

„Ten sam jest Bóg”. Norwid – Abd el-Kader - Ibn ‘Arabi

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2016
|
vol. 34
21-59
EN
The main message of Norwid’s poem Do Emira Abd el Kadera w Damaszku [To Emir Abd el Kader in Damascus] of 1860 reveals his remarkable affinity for the ideas expressed by Abd el-Kader in his French work Rappel à l’intelligent, avis à l’indifferent. Considerations philosophiques, réligieuses, historiques etc. [Call to the intelligent, warning to the indifferent. Philosophical, religious, historical and related considerations] (Paris 1858). It is highly probable that Norwid was familiar with the text by the Algerian national hero, a mystic and an Islamic saint. The spiritual and intellectual closeness of these two remarkable thinkers of the 19th century is striking. The source of the religious universalism in Abd el-Kader’s thought is the legacy of his own spiritual master – the founding father of Muslim mysticism and the most famous Sufi theologian of late Islam – Ibn ‘Arabi. Norwid’s poetry introduced an idea of authentic dialogue of the West with the Arabic East to Polish literature. This dialogue rested on sound metaphysical foundations and on the universalist premises emerging from both traditions – occidental and oriental. In its weight and depth, this dialogue surpassed all the superficial fads and oriental stylisations typical of the epoch. Norwid and the Arab Emir of Damascus expressed unanimously their anxiety about the dangers that the European contemporaneity faced as a result of the false cultural and civilizational assumptions it decided to rest on. They both strove to reconstruct it in accord with a more promising model. They both believed as well that the reconstruction must begin with closing down (first mentally, then historically) the old time of Eurocentrism and religious exclusivism, to open a new era of global humanism.
17
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid i Edmund Chojecki-podróżnik

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2020
|
vol. 38
183-226
EN
One of Norwid’s most significant acquaintances, already in the Warsaw period, and later in Paris, was the writer Edmund Chojecki (Charles Edmond). Their friendship started in Warsaw in the 1840s and lasted for a lifetime (at least until the 1870s), although its preserved epistolary traces are scarce. This sketch focuses on Chojecki’s travelling reports and their inspiring influence on Norwid: Edmund’s trip with Count Branicki to the Crimea (Wspomnienia z podróży po Krymie, Warszawa 1845), a journey to the North Seas with Prince Napoleon (Voyage dans les mers du Nord, Paris 1857), Chojecki’s sojourn in Egypt at the turn of 1851, and finally his involvement in the setting up of the Egyptian exhibition (as the commissioner general) at the 1867 World Exhibition in Paris (L’Égypte à l’Exposition universelle de 1867, Paris 1867). The most important outcome of this inspiration is Norwid’s drama Kleopatra i Cezar and his collection of Egyptian drawings in the album Orbis (I).
PL
Jedną z ważniejszych osób w gronie znajomych Norwida, już w latach warszawskich, a później paryskich, był pisarz Edmund Chojecki (Charles Edmond). Ich przyjaźń zawiązała się w Warszawie w latach czterdziestych XIX wieku i trwała przez całe życie (przynajmniej do lat siedemdziesiątych), choć jej zachowane ślady epistolarne są nieliczne. Przedmiotem szkicu są relacje podróżnicze Chojeckiego i ich inspirujący wpływ na Norwida: wycieczka Edmunda z hr. Branickim na Krym (Wspomnienia z podróży po Krymie, Warszawa 1845), podróż do mórz północnych z ks. Napoleonem (Voyage dans les mers du Nord, Paris 1857), pobyt Chojeckiego w Egipcie na przełomie lat 1850/1851 i wreszcie jego udział w organizacji ekspozycji egipskiej (w charakterze komisarza generalnego) na Wystawie Światowej w Paryżu w roku 1867 (L’Égypte à l’Exposition universelle de 1867, Paris 1867). Najważniejszym owocem tej inspiracji jest dramat Kleopatra i Cezar Norwida oraz jego zbiór rysunków egipskich w Albumie Orbis (I).
18
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid i Potoccy z Wilanowa

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2022
|
vol. 40
191-203
EN
Wilanów is an important place on Norwid’s biographical and intellectual map, not only due to the cultivation of memory of his great “ancestor” John III Sobieski, but also because he learned to paint at the Warsaw studio of Aleksander Kokular, who was associated with Wilanów. Norwid maintained close contacts with the closest family of Wilanów’s owner, Count Aleksander Potocki: his second wife Countess Izabella nee Mostowska, primo voto Potocka, secondo voto Starzyńska, and her son Stanisław Potocki, grandson of Stanisław Kostka Potocki. Norwid even enjoyed the protection of Countess Starzyńska and would often meet in Paris with her son, an art collector, as well as exchange letters with him, mainly on the subject of art. Perhaps they visited together Hôtel Drouot, an art auction house in Paris.
PL
Wilanów to miejsce na biograficznej i intelektualnej mapie norwidowskiej bardzo ważne nie tylko ze względu na kultywowaną w nim pamięć o wielkim „przodku” poety – Janie III Sobieskim. Norwid uczył się w warszawskiej „malarni” związanego z Wilanowem Aleksandra Kokulara, utrzymywał także bliskie kontakty z najbliższą rodziną właściciela dóbr wilanowskich – hrabiego Aleksandra Potockiego: jego drugą żoną hrabiną Izabellą z Mostowskich, primo voto Potocką, secondo voto Starzyńską, oraz z jej synem Stanisławem Potockim (wnukiem Stanisława Kostki Potockiego). Cieszył się nawet protekcją hrabiny Starzyńskiej, a z jej synem, kolekcjonerem, wielokrotnie spotykał się w Paryżu i prowadził z nim korespondencję poświęconą głównie kwestiom sztuki. Być może wizytowali też wspólnie paryski dom aukcyjny Hôtel Drouot.
19
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid and Edmund Chojecki – the Traveller

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2020
|
vol. 38 English Version
177-216
EN
The writer Edmund Chojecki (Charles Edmond) was one of Norwid’s most significant acquaintances, already in the Warsaw period, and later in Paris. Their friendship started in Warsaw in the 1840s and lasted a lifetime (or at least until the 1870s), although its preserved epistolary traces are scarce. This article focuses on Chojecki’s reports from his travels and their inspiring influence on Norwid: Edmund’s trip with Count Branicki to the Crimea (Wspomnienia z podróży po Krymie, Warszawa 1845), journey to the North Seas with Prince Napoleon (Voyage dans les mers du Nord, Paris 1857), Chojecki’s sojourn in Egypt at the turn of 1851, and finally his involvement in preparing the Egyptian exhibition (as the commissioner general) at the 1867 World Exhibition in Paris (L’Égypte à l’Exposition universelle de 1867, Paris 1867). The most important outcome of this is Norwid’s drama Kleopatra i Cezar and his collection of Egyptian drawings in the album Orbis (I).
20

‘Ten sam jest Bóg’. Norwid – Abd el-Kader – Ibn ‘Arabi

100%
Gadamska-Serafin R.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2016
|
vol. 34 English Version
21-59
EN
The main message of Norwid’s poem Do Emira Abd el Kadera w Damaszku [To Emir Abd el Kader in Damascus] of 1860 reveals his remarkable affinity for the ideas expressed by Abd el-Kader in his French work Rappel à l’intelligent, avis à l’indifferent. Considerations philosophiques, réligieuses, historiques etc. [Call to the intelligent, warning to the indifferent. Philosophical, religious, historical and related considerations] (Paris 1858). It is highly probable that Norwid was familiar with the text by the Algerian national hero, a mystic and an Islamic saint. The spiritual and intellectual closeness of these two remarkable thinkers of the 19th century is striking. The source of the religious universalism in Abd el-Kader’s thought is the legacy of his own spiritual master – the founding father of Muslim mysticism and the most famous Sufi theologian of late Islam – Ibn ‘Arabi. Norwid’s poetry introduced an idea of authentic dialogue of the West with the Arabic East to Polish literature. This dialogue rested on sound metaphysical foundations and on the universalist premises emerging from both traditions – occidental and oriental. In its weight and depth, this dialogue surpassed all the superficial fads and oriental stylisations typical of the epoch. Norwid and the Arab Emir of Damascus expressed unanimously their anxiety about the dangers that the European contemporaneity faced as a result of the false cultural and civilizational assumptions it decided to rest on. They both strove to reconstruct it in accord with a more promising model. They both believed as well that the reconstruction must begin with closing down (first mentally, then historically) the old time of Eurocentrism and religious exclusivism, to open a new era of global humanism.
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.