Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 9

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The systematic reading of Wrocław's books of aldermen (libri scabinorum) has revealed a surprising diversity and tendency for change in the nomenclature pertaining to the same, marginal area of the city. The terms Baiern, Kunzenstadt and the least used Judengasse, used concurrently (although it is unclear whether their meaning was the same) were replaced in the 70s of the 14th century (ten years after Jews left the town) by Neugasse, which was quickly changed to Neugerbergasse. The term Judengasse was again used at the end of the 14th century, becoming more common at the beginning of the 15th century, undoubtedly due to return of the Jews to the city, what is striking is that we have no data from this period about the locations of their living quarters. In its original context Juden-/Neu-/Neugerbergasse consisted of the length of two streets, comprising the shape of the letter „L”, those being the current Uniwersytecka and Więzienna streets (the historiographical reference to Garbary street is apparently an error). It is there, between the Szewska and Kotlarska streets and by the intersecting section of Kuźnicza that Christians and Jews lived together. Only at the end of the 14th century the term Neugerbergasse, which in the 15th finally became Judengasse, was contracted to one street, the current Uniwersytecka street.
EN
High level dynamics of real estate market as well as possession of many estates by relatively few people make it impossible to currently analyse which property was owned by Jews, with only few exceptions. Such property as was bought or sold prior to 1361 (afterwards Jewish property did not appear in books of aldermen (libri scabinorum) would not be as high as the number of houses inhabited by Jews, making estimation of population of “Jewish street” very uncertain. Among distinct features of Jewish property was a high amount of low-class housing, designated gebude. The issue of their possession was distinct from possession of land on which such a house was situated. The article indicates as well the impossibility of correctly identifying mentioned in sources synagogues and grounded in historiography significant misunderstandings regarding this issue.
EN
Despite having distinct features due to economy, Silesia was no different, in context of events shaping conditions of development, from the neighbouring regions, especially the Bohemian Crown from the 16th to the 18th centuries. The particular interests of the Silesian economy since the 17th century were required, possibly enabled by the political distinctiveness of the region and the complex structure of the monarchy. Also relevant were strong external relations (transit, export and import) long maintained despite divisions, both political and at customs. Said „interests” could themselves be considered an additional factor integrating the region, (certainly, that became so in time) if not for their existence stemming from earlier political integration and specifically being an unexpected (since mercantile times intentional) result of the “external” factor, specifically state politics. Although lacking the influence it enjoyed in earlier times, Wrocław remained the primary beneficiary, as its economic interests were typically considered synonymous with interests of entire Silesia.
EN
The concept of a deficit in the present day understanding of the term for long was absent in the medieval bookkeeping of Wrocław, and thus the sources of its financing were not distinguished; revenues from loans, monetary resources and budget income surpluses were treated on par with taxes, payments, customs and incomes from property. Attempts were made by departing councillors to balance incomes and expenses. The oldest known report for the year 1299 presents an archaic budget structure, predominantly based on incomes from the ducal tax, with the duke as the prime beneficiary. In consecutive decades the significance of direct sources of revenue other than taxes grew, while among the expenses the participation of the tribute received by the duke decreased. The most rapid rate of growth was that of expenses connected with construction and repair. An actual and quickly growing budget deficit appeared during the 1330s and was covered with extended credit and the sale of rents, registered among the revenues. In 1387 public debt totalled almost a four-year town budget, and its services involved 32,5% of all expenses. In 1418 public debt was about ten times the size of the budget, and its services cost c. 86% of all expenses, a state of affairs avoided by constantly delaying the payments. From 1420 the sources of income were multiplied by introducing universal indirect taxes for merchandise and services. On the other hand, sums paid for the upkeep of the army and for waging wars rose. In 1444 expenses totalled 341% of the sums laid out in 1389, and in 1467–1468 a further 60% was spent. This was the period of the appearance of an official deficit (oscillating at about 1%), covered by revenues in successive years; at the same time, there also existed a hidden deficit, covered by successive credits. Despite this fact, it became possible to slowly reduce public debt, which in 1498 corresponded to 18,9% of the annual budget.
PL
Wherever the town owners did not literally grant the settlement official, i.e. founder (Pol. zasadźca), or the commune itself, full rights to privileged trading facilities, they reserved the competences to shape the size, location and appearance of their complexes. Decisions in this regard formed an element of economic and fiscal policy towards the town, albeit not always – they could also be part of a planned vision of the town or city (the way space was divided could decide about the town’s economy), or flexibly adapted to needs formulated by the interested groups of townspeople. The size of cloth halls and rich stall complexes was supposed to reflect the economic potential of the town, and the size of the complexes of butcher stalls and chambers – the consumption needs of the population. However, in the latter case there were significant deviations, which manifested themselves in strict adherence to artificially established models and traditions rather than in flexibility. The data concerning the number of trade stalls, although still undervalued in historiography, are an important source for research into the history of individual towns and cities, even though they may be less useful for comparative approaches.
PL
Przedstawienie procesu przejmowania i zakładania miast na Śląsku przez szlachtę, prowadzącego wraz ze zmianami prawnymi do wzrostu znaczenia prywatnych ośrodków miejskich, od poziomu marginalnego w XIII w. do niemal równoważącego się z własnością monarszą w XVIII stuleciu.
EN
The paper analyses the context of the so far unknown source entry related to the imprisonment of the Jews in the Duchies of Świdnica and Jawor in 1381. Interpretations of simi-lar incidents related in the Reich were taken into consideration, as were connections with some other aspects of the proceedings towards Jews by Duchess Agnieszka and King Wenceslaus IV.
PL
W artykule przeanalizowano kontekst powstania nieznanej wzmianki źródłowej na temat uwięzienia Żydów w księstwach świdnickim i jaworskim w 1381 r. Uwzględniono interpretację podobnych przekazów z terenu Rzeszy oraz rozważono powiązanie z innymi przejawami postępowania wobec Żydów księżnej Agnieszki i króla Wacława IV.
9
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Finanse ratusza w średniowieczu

100%
EN
Town hall finances in the Middle Ages(Summary) The “town hall’s” expenses were an almost standard item in the late medieval accounts of towns influenced by German culture. This item could usually be associated with the general costs for maintaining the institutions, related to the council’s exercising power in the town, and included also direct expenditure on the town hall building and on the activities conducted therein. Current costs related to the maintenance of the building comprised mainly heating, repairs and the construction of heating devices, as well as various minor repairs. Less important costs were related to supplementing the equipment in the rooms, mainly with items related to official activities, archiving, and entertainment functions (vessels used for the banquets). Most of the costs incurred in respect of the work of officials were related to providing the chancellery with paper. Usually, a junior official, called a servant or porter, was responsible for the office building; however, this was only a fraction of his responsibilities. Dividing the office activities among various rooms, sometimes separate buildings, makes defining the scope of the term “town hall”, as well as determining the budget, difficult, particularly with regard to the specific purpose cash system which dominated in municipal accounting and covered the revenues and expenses of particular administrative departments and municipal tribunals. Revenues directly related to the town hall building included those generated by council monopolies for selling imported beer and heavy wines in the town hall cellars. Dividing the commercial and official functions among other rooms depended mainly on local circumstances, and it seems that this was typical of the early phase of a town hall’s operations.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.