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1
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Teologia kapłaństwa i urzędu kapłańskiego w I wieku chrześcijaństwa

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Kasprzak D.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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2010
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vol. 63
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issue 2
EN
Neither the Apostles nor any Christian minister is admitted to use the priest’s title in the text of the New Testament. Nevertheless, in the New Testament we can perceive the development of the doctrine of the priest ministry in the early Church. Albert Vanhoye maintains that the lack of the term “priest” in the New Testament suggests the way of understanding of the Christian ministry, different from this in the Old Testament. It can’t be considered as a continuation of Jewish priesthood, which was concentrated mainly on ritual action and ceremonies. In the first century the Church developed the Christology of priesthood (Hbr) and ecclesiology of priesthood (1 P). Early Christians focused first on the redemptive event of Jesus Christ’s sacrifice and Jesus as the mediator of a new covenant. Only then the religious communities adopted the priest’s title for their ministry. In the early years of the Church, all the ministries were regarded as a charismatic service among the Christian communities. In their services the early Christians followed Jesus Christ sent by God to serve. The Holy Spirit sent by God in the name of Jesus bestowed the spiritual gifts upon the Church (1 Kor 12–13). Consequently the disciples of Jesus and their successors could continue his mission. The Twelve Apostles’ ministry was the very first and most important Christian ministry. It was closely connected to the service of Jesus Christ himself. The Apostles were sent by the authority of Jesus Christ to continue his mission upon earth and they preached the Good News of the risen Christ. The Apostolicity was the fundamental base for every Church ministry established in different Christian communities. Successive ministries were established in order to transmit the teaching of Jesus Christ and to lead the community. For the early Christians the priesthood was not an individual privilege. It had rather the community character.
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Metafory konceptualne wyrażające wiarę w życie wieczne w tekstach reprezentatywnych

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Kasprzak D.
Polonia Sacra
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2021
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vol. 25
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issue 2
EN
When working thought these texts, it was found that the conceptual metaphors used, to describe faith in eternal life, were overwhelmingly positive ones. These biblical metaphors were then developed by successive Church Fathers, which helped to create a universal Christian language. In conclusion, these eschatological conceptual metaphors, related to heaven, show the unity and progressive nature of the Christian theological Tradition.
PL
Analizowane w artykule metafory konceptualne, które wyrażają wiarę w życie wieczne, są oddawane jako archetypy pozytywne. Zarówno metafory przestrzenne, jak i metafory ontologiczne są wiodącymi schematami wyobrażeniowymi dotyczącymi miejsc nadprzyrodzonych czy cech tych miejsc. Rozważane metafory tworzyły uniwersalny język chrześcijański, a przez swą obrazowość angażowały wyobraźnię wiernych, wzbogacając uczuciowe reakcje czytelnika na przekaz teologiczny dotyczący tematyki nieba i wieczności.
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The allegorical sense of Gregory the Great’s commentary on the Song of Songs

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Kasprzak D.
Analecta Cracoviensia
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2012
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vol. 44
EN
Gregory the Great in his Expositio in Canticis Canticorum, created between the years 594 or 595 and 598, ends the patristic tradition of allegorical commentaries on Sg. We are not in the possession of the complete text of Gregory’s commentary, as the text of the Pope’s interpretations finishes at Sg 1 : 8. The text of the commentary as we have it at present shows some signs of a revision made by Gregory I himself and has features characteristic of the original oral version of the text. The comparative study of Origen’s and Gregory’s commentaries shows that Pope Gregory I was familiar with Origen’s homilies and commentary on Sg and used his writings while working on his own text, but only sparingly. Gregory I undoubtedly took from Origen the general approach, some phrases, and at times the way in which exegesis of a certain extract was executed. Gregory discussed the biblical text in accordance with the principles of intellectual, parenetic and pastoral interpretation. The primary interest of the Pope was to extract the spiritual-mystical meaning of the text, and the allegorical interpretation is supposed to help man read the biblical text so that he can love God and follow Him. The allegorical reading of Sg, and actually of the whole Bible as well, should consequently kindle the love of God in man and fill him with thoughts of God. Gregory I recommends a spiritual-ascetic reading of the Bible: the reader is supposed to change his habits for the better, be able to alienate himself ascetically from the surrounding world, and in this way acquire contemplation of Godly matters.
PL
Gregory the Great in his Expositio in Canticis Canticorum, created between the years 594 or 595 and 598, ends the patristic tradition of allegorical commentaries on Sg. We are not in the possession of the complete text of Gregory’s commentary, as the text of the Pope’s interpretations finishes at Sg 1 : 8. The text of the commentary as we have it at present shows some signs of a revision made by Gregory I himself and has features characteristic of the original oral version of the text. The comparative study of Origen’s and Gregory’s commentaries shows that Pope Gregory I was familiar with Origen’s homilies and commentary on Sg and used his writings while working on his own text, but only sparingly. Gregory I undoubtedly took from Origen the general approach, some phrases, and at times the way in which exegesis of a certain extract was executed. Gregory discussed the biblical text in accordance with the principles of intellectual, parenetic and pastoral interpretation. The primary interest of the Pope was to extract the spiritual-mystical meaning of the text, and the allegorical interpretation is supposed to help man read the biblical text so that he can love God and follow Him. The allegorical reading of Sg, and actually of the whole Bible as well, should consequently kindle the love of God in man and fill him with thoughts of God. Gregory I recommends a spiritual-ascetic reading of the Bible: the reader is supposed to change his habits for the better, be able to alienate himself ascetically from the surrounding world, and in this way acquire contemplation of Godly matters.
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Duszpasterstwo w Kościele Zachodnim w VI wieku. Zarys problematyki

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Kasprzak D.
Polonia Sacra
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2011
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issue 29(73)
37-62
EN
In the western catholic church of the sixth century we can observe some crucial changes in attitude to the pastoral care of the previous centuries. The Catechumenal way of Christian formation practically disappeared. A ritual catechumenate as a direct preparation for baptism emerged instead. Mainly children were baptized in the 6th century. The preaching became a general catechesis directed towards the formal teaching of frequently half-converted Christians as exemplified by Cesarius of Arles or the admonitions Gregory the Great. The local church was dependent upon the social support of the German sovereigns. Gregory the Great developed St. Augustines thesis of social classes and created specific class division, ie. preacher (suzerain), friar and spouses (laity). On this basis the established early feudal structure consisted of preachers (ruling), friars and spouses (laity). In the 6th century parishes depended on local secular authorities. The Concordat of Worms in 1222 brought to an end this political intrusion upon local parishes. Peasant farmers (colons) and „servi glebae” made up the larger part of parish worshippers in the 6th century. The pastoral care was concentrated on a liturgical celebration and the preaching of a moralizing catechesis. During this time the veneration of local saints became widely established. The plague of alcoholism and those still existing local pagan cults also constituted important tasks. From this time up to the Vaticanum Secundum, there disappeared the holding sacred of all the baptized by the power of the confessed faith and the baptism. It seems that in the 6th century the sacramental, dogmatic and pastoral essence of the Church slowly faded. Only the second half of the 20th century finally brought the solution to this long-lasting crisis.
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Michał Kieling, Rola Pisma Świętego i „artes liberales” w kształtowaniu nauk teologicznych i świeckich według Kasjodora, Uniwersytet Adama Mickiewicza, Wydział Teologiczny, Studia i Materiały 141, Poznań 2011, 261 s.

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Kasprzak D.
Polonia Sacra
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2014
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vol. 18
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issue 1
6
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„Rozeznawanie duchów” (διάκρισις) według św. Doroteusza z Gazy (505–560/580)

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Kasprzak D.
Polonia Sacra
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2020
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vol. 24
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issue 3
EN
Description of spiritual fatherhood with its supreme authority of “discernment of spirits”, which we find in the texts of St. Dorotheus of the Thawath monastery at Gaza did not lead to the absolutization of this ascetic power. Father’s spiritual guidance did not bear the responsibility of the individual student. The spiritual power of discernment represented by the spiritual father should help the student shape his conscience properly and support him in the process of recognizing what he pleases. The spiritual father’s advice that followed the student’s “disclosure of thoughts” was to help the latter firmly reject bad thoughts. By gradually renouncing their own will, based on spiritual obedience to the spiritual father as a guide in faith, the monks of Thawatha gradually broke free from the power of passion. The conditions postulated by Dorotheus as necessary for the discernment itself are also significant: gentleness and humility, rejection of the attitude of justification and acceptance of repentance, and the constant fight against passions. These attitudes should be shaped in monks, but also in everyone who “tries to unite with God through humble life”.
PL
Opis ojcostwa duchowego z jego naczelną władzą „rozeznawania duchów”, jaki znajdujemy w tekstach św. Doroteusza z monasteru Thawatha pod Gazą, nie prowadził do absolutyzowania tej ascetycznej władzy. Przewodnictwo duchowe ojca nie znosiło odpowiedzialności indywidualnego ucznia. Duchowa władza rozeznawania reprezentowana przez ojca duchowego winna dopomóc uczniowi we właściwym kształtowaniu sumienia i wspomagać go w samym procesie rozpoznawania tego, co się Bogu podoba. Rady ojca duchowego, jakie następowały po „ujawnianiu myśli” przez ucznia, miały pomóc temu uczniowi w stanowczym odrzuceniu złych myśli. Poprzez stopniowe wyrzekanie się własnej woli, oparte na duchowym posłuszeństwie ojcu duchowemu jako przewodnikowi w wierze, mnisi z Thawatha stopniowo wyrywali się spod władzy namiętności. Znamienne są również warunki postulowane przez Doroteusza jako konieczne dla samego rozeznawania: łagodność i pokora, odrzucenie postawy samousprawiedliwienia się i przyjęcie skruchy oraz ustawiczna walka z namiętnościami. Postawy te winny się kształtować nie tylko u mnichów, ale i u każdego, kto „przez najpokorniejsze życie stara się jednoczyć z Bogiem”.
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Kontakty św. Paulina z Noli z Rzymem i jego biskupami

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Kasprzak D.
Vox Patrum
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2004
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vol. 46
293-309
EN
The article aims to reconstruct on the basis of the writings of St. Paulinus of Nola both the way the famous master of Nola saw Rome and the significance of his pilgrimages there. Ancient, pre-Christian Rome is called by him the daughter of Babylon because of the pagan character of Rome and the numerous sins committed by its citizens as well. However, thanks to the presence of true believers such as Melanie or the relics of holy Apostles and martyrs like Peter and Paul, Pagan Rome becomes more the daughter of Zion and new Jerusalem. Paulinus of Nola and Terasia, his wife, once a year traveled to their monastery in Campania, from the grave of the martyr St. Felix to Rome, on the festival of the Apostles Peter and Paul, where they usually spent 10 days. Later, as bishop of Nola, he set off to Rome earlier, just after Easter. His pilgrimage usually lasted four weeks. Besides the religious aspect of traveling to Rome, the meetings with numerous Christian celebrities Corning to the festival of the Apostles in Rome were the goal of his pilgrimage. Since the very beginning Paulinus treated his journeys as a way to establish contacts with important priests of Christian Rome. For Paulinus these meetings gave him the opportunity to propagate the monastic style of life, which he himself adopted while still in Spain.
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Tematyka społeczna w pismach św. Ambrożego z Mediolanu

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Kasprzak D.
Vox Patrum
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2012
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vol. 57
277-296
EN
Numerous remarks which refer to the Christian social life in the writings of St Ambrose (339-397) offer us a relatively homogeneous picture of his pastoral opinions on marriage and family, work, property and virtues as considered in the theological context. God is the single aim of every man’s activity in the social activities. A systematic theological analysis led St. Ambrose to the conclusion that: 1) Marriage can have either a positive or negative sense and 2) that the male component in marriage is dominant over the female. He argued that the full libera­tion of both sexes would come only in Eternal Life. The emancipation of women is possible in this world through the Christian religion, through the role of a wife, mother or the consecrated virginity. Labor is inseparately related to human nature from its creation and before original sin. After original sin, human labor changed in the punishment for sin (pain and hardship) however in the same time became the means of salvation, and the redemption of sins. It is also necessary to sustain living and gives a chance to achieve moral virtues. Work and mutual assistance were made by the Bishop of Milan a model work in the society. St Ambrose ac­cepted both private possession rights and a community property of goods. The earthly goods should be used always with the religious perspective of the sole des­tiny – God. The main Aim-God, a temporary possession of goods (worldliness) and the purpose of the Main Owner- the good of every man (justice, fraternity, solidarity, mutual love) are the limits of a possession rights. The Bishop of Milan also introduced to the Christian moral theology the system of evaluation of the human deeds based on the Stoic categories of virtues and vices. St. Ambrose com­bined this system with the allegoric conception of the Four Rivers of the Philo of Alexandria and St. Paul’s moral theology. A Christian should be guided by the vir­tues of humbleness and fear of God. They will lead him to the wisdom and divine blessing, subsequently to the real knowledge of God. In this world the Christians should respect the sense of responsibility, the virtue of silence, freedom, cardinal virtues, honesty, charity and usefulness of his work. In the social life Christians are obliged to denounce the vices of egoism and arrogance, usury, greediness, vice behavior or giving unwise promises. The social problems were always subordi­nated to the theological purposes in the writings of St. Ambrose. The Christian are always obliged to be guided by Gods Commandments. St. Ambrose did not manage to work out a code of Christian moral behavior in a society, however he discussed many different problems, which were used by others (cf. St. Thomas of Aquino) to construct such a code. A synthesis of the Stoic philosophy, the philoso­phy of Philo Judaeus and St. Paul’s moral theology can be legitimately regarded as his valuable contribution to the studies of ethics.
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Eustacjański kontekst doktryny o ubóstwie monastycznym w pismach ascetycznych św. Bazylego Wielkiego

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Kasprzak D.
Vox Patrum
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2010
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vol. 55
257-273
EN
We can distinguish two essential approaches to the issue of monastic poverty in the teaching of St Basil: a critical anti-Eustachian and a positive, unpolemical attitude. He pointed out his critical approach to main points of the doctrine introduced by Eustachius i.e.: the refusal of marriage and condemnation of the possession of any property, even in order to use it for charity purposes. It is clearly visible in his late writings – Letters, Moralia. St. Basile proved, in these writings, the necessity of the use of properties, from a biblical and ecclesiastical point of view because – for example to pay taxes. The positive approach which accepted voluntary poverty is clearly visible in his Moralia, Greater Asketikon and Lesser Asketikon. The bishop of Caesarea considered voluntary poverty as the mean to achieve a state of the unity of Christian life. The only Christian purpose is to give glory to the Lord and salvation.
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Kwestia bogactwa i ubóstwa w Kościele imperialnym na zachodzie w IV i V wieku. Próba syntezy zagadnienia

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Kasprzak D.
Vox Patrum
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2011
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vol. 56
495-515
EN
I considered the different views regarding the issues of possession, wealth and poverty in the fourth and fifth century. I focused on the concepts of the fifth-century theologian (St. Ambrose, the Bishop of Milan, St. Augustine the Bishop of Hippo), pioneers of the western monastic theology and also the earliest monastic theologians and the heterodox pelagianist writers. They regarded soteriological perspective of Christianity. In that early period the socio-economic view did not constitute a doctrine. We can distinguish two essential approaches to the issue of possession in the teaching of the Church Fathers in the fourth and fifth century: a realistic and a pessimistic attitude. (The optimistic version regarded the possession of wealth as the result of Divine Protection and as a reward for pious Christian life. Both those models presumed that all the earthly goods were created by God and that people are only the temporary stewards of the goods given them for use. The realistic approach emphasized that everything which God has made was good and there was nothing wrong with owning possessions but it denounced the unjust means by which it is sometimes achieved or used. The pessimistic approach of Anchorites (monas­ticism, orthodox and heterodox ascetics) accepted the possession of goods which were made with one’s own hands. Everything which was not necessary should be given as alms. Coenobitic monks didn’t have anything of their own because everything belonged to the monastery. Their superior decided how everything could be used. The heterodox followers of Pelagius condemned shared of private property at all, and shared the view that voluntarily poverty was the only possible way for Christian.
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Koncepcja dobrowolnego ubóstwa w pismach monastycznych św. Augustyna

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Kasprzak D.
Vox Patrum
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2013
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vol. 60
165-182
EN
The first coherent doctrine of voluntary poverty appeared in Western Church theology in the writings of St. Augustine. This idea developed gradually under the influence of the coenobitic ideal and vision of a community Church. First having excluded the Manichean vision of community (AD 386-396) St. Augustine adopt­ed the coenobitic conception of poverty (relinquishing individual possession in favour of communal ownership and working for the benefit of the community). In his mature period (AD 397-426) St. Augustine referred directly to the perfect vi­sion of the Christian monastic community described in Acts 4:32-36 as the source of voluntary poverty. In this way the monks copied the perfection of the Early Church community. One might say his approach to ascetic poverty was according to the principle of qualitative parity i.e. every monk receives the minimum of ma­terial necessities. St. Augustine’s sermons 355 from December AD 425/January AD 426 and 356 from January AD 426 show clearly how he and his brothers practiced individual and community poverty.
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Pismo Święte czytane przez Ojców

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Kasprzak D.
Teologia w Polsce
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2018
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vol. 12
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issue 2
49-69
EN
The unification of the books of the Bible and the definition of the standard Constantine edition of the Holy Scripture set about 425 was historically coincident with the imperial policy of the introducing of religious homogeneity in the Roman Empire at the beginning of the fourth century. Moreover, due to the cultural continuity within the Roman Empire until the 5th century, it was possible the translation of “word for word”. The German-Iranian raids in the 5th century resulted in the disintegration of the ancient cultural community, and caused the necessity of the translations of “meaning in meaning”. The highest form of God’s revelation for the patristic authors was the incarnation of God. The Bible, as the revealed word of God, was understood as a privileged, free God’s phenomenon, through which God reveals the truth about himself and communicates with man. Consequently the Church Fathers interpreted the divine inspiration as the gift of God which was given to a biblical author. In this way an inspired writer was able to convey the divine revelation drown from the Holy Scriptures to a community of the faithful, which received as the word of God himself. In the opinion of the Church Fathers, the Christian theology was based on the contemplation of the Bible, which constituted the norm of the Christian faith. To the Patristic writers Jesus was a hermeneutic key to the Holy Scripture and it was him who leads the faithful to the cognition of the divine mystery and the human dignity. In their exegesis and theology the Christian Fathers showed us that the Person of Jesus, who ultimately revealed the Father to us should not be distinguished from testimony of the Christian kerygma and the Holy Scriptures. This affirmative attitude towards the Bible contributed to the formation of the biblical canon in the 7th century and also shaped the Trinitarian, spiritual and liturgical tradition of the Church. The Biblical interpretation of the church Fathers can be regarded as a more complete meaning of the NT, which expresses the sense intended by God, the first author of the Scripture in the dogmatic tradition of the Church, and which sense was not fully known to the human author of the Scriptures (e.g. the concept of the Holy Trinity, the intra-trinitarian relations and the doctrine of the original sin). Thus understood the reading of Scripture was for the patristic writers both the source of their faith and their theology.
PL
Unifikacja ksiąg biblijnych i określenie standardowego konstantyńskiego zbioru Pisma świętego około 425 roku było historycznie zbieżne z cesarską polityką wprowadzania jednorodności religijnej na terenie Imperium Romanum na początku IV wieku. Co więcej, do V wieku na terenie Cesarstwa Rzymskiego istniała ciągłość kulturowa, która umożliwiała tłumaczenie „słowo w słowo”. W związku najazdami germańsko-irańskimi nastąpiło zerwanie antycznej wspólnoty kulturowej, co w przekładach biblijnych doprowadziło w V wieku do tłumaczenia „sens w sens”. Najwyższą formą objawienia się Boga dla autorów patrystycznych było wydarzenie Wcielenia Boga. Natomiast Biblia jako objawione słowo Boże była rozumiana jako uprzywilejowany, darmowy Boży fenomen, przez który Bóg ujawnia prawdę o sobie i komunikuje się z człowiekiem. W związku z tym natchnienie było rozumiane przez ojców Kościoła jako dar Boży udzielony ludzkiemu autorowi, dzięki czemu był on w stanie przekazać Boże objawienie w tekście Pisma świętego, które zostało uznane przez wspólnotę wiary jako słowo Boże. Dla ojców Kościoła cała teologia opierała się na rozważaniu Biblii, która stanowiła dla autorów patrystycznych norma normans wiary chrześcijańskiej. Jezus Chrystus pozostawał dla Ojców i pisarzy Kościoła patrystycznego kluczem hermeneutycznym do Pisma świętego i podstawą poznawania tajemnicy Boga i godności człowieka. Ojcowie przez swą egzegezę i teologię pokazują nam też, że nie wolno oddzielać osoby Jezusa Chrystusa jako Tego, który ostatecznie objawił nam Ojca, oraz świadectwa o Nim, zawartego w kerygmacie chrześcijańskim i w Piśmie świętym. Taka afirmacja Biblii pozwoliła do VII wieku uformować kanon biblijny, ale także kształtować Tradycję Kościoła, zwłaszcza tę trynitarną, duchową i liturgiczną. Biblijna interpretacja ojców Kościoła może być uznana za sens pełniejszy Nowego Testamentu, który w dogmatycznej tradycji Kościoła wyraża sens zamierzony przez Boga, pierwszego Autora Pisma świętego, a który to sens nie był znany w pełni ludzkiemu autorowi Pisma (np. koncepcja Trójcy Świętej, relacji wewnątrztrynitarnych czy doktryna o grzechu pierworodnym). Tak pojęta lektura Pisma świętego była dla pisarzy patrystycznych zarówno źródłem ich wiary, jak i ich teologii.
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Cezary z Arles wobec paenitentia secunda w VI wieku

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Kasprzak D.
Polonia Sacra
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2020
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vol. 24
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issue 4
EN
It seems that the homilies of Caesarius, Bishop of Arles, about the faithful having access to canonical penance, were characterized by a sensitivity to the faithful and what was possible for them to practically obtain. The systematic tightening of the standards of public penance, undertaken by subsequent Gallic synods and their legalistic treatment of it, led to a crisis of this practice in the Church of Gaul in the first half of the sixth century. Caesarius, observing the norms of official canonical penance in his teaching, accepted the custom of the vast majority of the faithful, who postponed public penance until the last moments of their lives. So with that in mind, he urged them to make an effort in faith and to be constantly converted. Repentance become the way to practise this Christian conversion. Making it possible for the faithful to prepare themselves throughout their lives through acts of repentance, to be ready for canonical penance at the end of life. Caesarius’s encouragement, however, remained ineffective, since Columba and his brothers, when they appeared in Gaul in the early seventh century, did not continue to follow this practice of canonical penance within the Church.
PL
Wydaje się, że wezwania Cezarego, biskupa Arles, dotyczące przystępowania wiernych do pokuty kanonicznej, odznaczały się wyczuciem wiernych oraz ich realnych możliwości. Systematyczne zaostrzanie norm pokuty publicznej, podejmowane przez kolejne synody galijskie i jej legalistyczne traktowanie, doprowadziło do kryzysu tej praktyki w Kościele Galii w 1. połowie VI wieku. Cezary, przestrzegając w swym nauczaniu norm oficjalnej pokuty kanonicznej, zaakceptował jednak zwyczaj zdecydowanej większości wiernych, którzy odkładali pokutę publiczną na ostatnie chwile życia. Wzywał ich natomiast do podjęcia wysiłku w wierze i do stałego nawracania się. Pokutowanie przez całe życie stało się w jego nauczaniu synonimem chrześcijańskiej metanoi. W ten sposób wierni stale mogli się przygotowywać do owocnego podjęcia pokuty kanonicznej, podejmowanej zwyczajowo pod koniec życia. Zachęty Cezarego pozostały jednak bezskuteczne, skoro Kolumban i jego bracia, kiedy pojawili się w Galii na początku VII wieku, nie spotkali się z praktyką pokuty kanonicznej w tamtejszym Kościele.
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Józef Pochwat MS, „Misterium iniquitatis”. Studium tajemnicy nieprawości w dziełach Jana Kasjana (360–435), Kraków 2012, 383 s.

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Kasprzak D.
Polonia Sacra
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2013
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vol. 17
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issue 2
15
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Recenzja: Wiesław Block, Vivere il Vangelo. Temi e figure della fraternità minoritica, EDB, Bologna 2013, ss. 382

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Kasprzak D.
Polonia Sacra
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2014
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vol. 18
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issue 4
16
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Romuald Henryk Kośla OFM, Jan Duns Szkot. Jego dzieło i myśl od początku XX wieku do dzisiaj

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Kasprzak D.
Polonia Sacra
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2012
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vol. 16
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issue 1
17
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Ks. biskup Luigi Padovese OFMCap (31 III 1947 - 3 VI 2010)

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Kasprzak D.
Vox Patrum
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2011
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vol. 56
979-982
PL
nie dotyczy
18
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Wręczenie księgi jubileuszowej księdzu profesorowi dr. hab. Edwardowi Stańkowi (Stary Sącz, 20 XI 2011)

50%
Kasprzak D.
Vox Patrum
|
2011
|
vol. 56
929-938
PL
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