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1
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Textile Prices in Early Byzantine Hagiographic Texts. Three Case Studies

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Milewski I.
Studia Ceranea
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2020
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vol. 10
399-413
EN
This text analyzes three early Byzantine source accounts on clothing prices from the beginning of the 5th to the early 7th centuries in Italy (Rome), Palestine (probably in Jerusalem), and Egypt (Alexandria). The compiled and discussed narrations were compared with other contemporary source reports, which feature analogical figures describing the amount of prices, wages, taxes, and other values or distances. By making a comparative analysis, the author came to the conclusion that these data are recurrent, and, therefore, unreliable. This observation also applies to the clothing prices discussed in the text, which, undoubtedly, should be considered topical.
2
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Anthelios. Autorzy bizantyjscy o posągu Konstantyna Wielkiego wieńczącym porfirową kolumnę w Konstantynopolu

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Milewski I.
Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza
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2017
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issue 21
127-149
EN
The above paper discusses the reports of Byzantine authors concerning the statue of Constantine the Great, which since 330 to 1106 has crowned the column standing in the middle of the Forum Constantini in Constantinople, in the centre of the new city. It portrayed the emperor as ancient God Helios, and not as it could be  expected,an archichristian ruler (imperator christianissimus). The Byzantine authors mentioning the fact of its existence also had a problem with assessing who the statue portrayed. One of them thought that the statue portrayed Emperor Constantine, the others, however, thought that it was pagan God Helios. The duality of assesing the monument resulted from the fact that the memory of Constantine as an emperor who syncretically comprehended christianity faded away. The author has analysed the reports of Byzantine authors concerning the statue, and the final findings have been also supported by the results of the numismatic research. The research confirms that despite his sincere faith in the might of Christian God, the emperor Constantine remained a Sol invictus (formely known as Apollo or Helios) worshipper regarding himsels (since 310) as his human incarnation. This is why, the statue portrays the emperor as young Sun God with a crown on his head, holding the attributes of imperial power: a spear and globe.
3
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Konstantynopol nowym Heliopolis? Uwagi do „wizji” epoki konstantyńskiej w książce Rolfa Bergmeiera, Kaiser Konstantin und die wilden Jahre des Christentums. Die Legende vom ersten christlichen Kaiser, Aschaffenburg 2016 (zweite, korrigierte Auflage 2016), ss. 350.

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Milewski I.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2019
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issue 19
343-372
EN
This review paper focuses on Rolf Bergmaier’s book, which represents yet  another contribution to the debate on the so-called Constantinian shift, a controversy which has engaged successive generations of historians of early Chris-tianity and late Roman Empire for over 150 years. Thus far, the available sources (texts and artefacts, including inscriptions, engraved gems and coins) enable historians to develop divergent visions of the Constantinian era, de-pending on sympathies and religious persuasion.
4
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Supervision of weights and measures in early 7th‑century Egyptian Alexandria in the light of the "Vita Joannis Eleemosynarii"

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Milewski I.
Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza
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2023
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issue 26
110-120
PL
W tekście omówiono krótki passus z Vita Joannis Eleemosynarii autorstwa Leoncjusza z cypryjskiego Neapolis, dotyczący okoliczności wprowadzenia przez patriarchę Jana Jałmużnika znormalizowanych miar i wag na terenie Aleksandrii. Wedle autora relacji było to jedno z pierwszych zarządzeń, które patriarcha ogłosił po objęciu tronu. Niestety, tego faktu nie potwierdzają inne źródła. Nie można jednak wykluczyć, iż takowe rozporządzenie rzeczywiście zostało ogłoszone w Aleksandrii krótko po 610 r. Analogiczne rozporządzenia są nam znane z okresu wcześniejszego (schyłek IV–poł. VI w.), za każdym razem jednak były one ogłaszane przez władze świeckie. Autor artykułu, poza analizą interesującego go przekazu, wyjaśnił, dlaczego w tym przypadku edykt normujący stosowane w Aleksandrii miary i wagi mógł być wprowadzony przez lokalnego biskupa, patriarchę Jana. Wypływało to co najmniej z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze, z roli, jaką biskupi odgrywali w miastach w okresie wczesnobizantyńskim, kiedy kolejni cesarze w obliczu nieudolnej, a przede wszystkim skorumpowanej władzy świeckiej upatrywali w nich gwaranta funkcjonowania państwa. Z tego też względu otrzymali spore przywileje dające im w praktyce władzę lokalnych zarządców, o tyle istotną, gdyż z ich zdaniem, w odróżnieniu od stanowiska władzy świeckiej, z reguły liczyli się mieszkańcy. Drugą kwestią, którą w tym przypadku należy zaakcentować, jest silna pozycja patriarchów aleksandryjskich nie tylko w mieście, gdzie Jan był biskupem, ale również w całym regionie. Ich polityczne i gospodarcze znaczenie w połączeniu z popularnością charyzmatycznych jednostek, jak to było w wypadku Jana Jałmużnika, dawały olbrzymie możliwości działania, w tym również wyręczania czy wręcz zastępowania lokalnej władzy świeckiej w sprawnym administrowaniu miastami.
5
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Money in “Historia monachorum in Aegypto”

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Milewski I.
Studia Ceranea
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2021
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vol. 11
653-662
EN
The text discusses the accounts of money in Historia monachorum in Aegypto. There are not many of them and, in addition, they are quite succinct. The first illustrates the face of early Byzantine fiscalism, the difficulty of paying taxes, and the resulting sanctions for the insolvent debtor and his family members. The next, equally laconic, shows the nature of the business of a merchant trading his goods from Thebaid to Alexandria. The remaining analyzed information is comprised of isolated and very brief references to the issue of money in other spheres of everyday life. Historia monachorum, an important text for studying the early history of Egyptian monasticism, unfortunately, does not constitute a valuable source of information about money and the history of the economy of early Byzantium.
6
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Cyril of Scythopolis on Relieving the Damage in Palestine Inflicted during the Samaritan Revolt (529–531)

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Milewski I.
Studia Ceranea
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2022
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vol. 12
725-737
EN
The text analyses a short account by Cyril of Scythopolis concerning the imperial decision to finance the repair of the damages caused in Palestine by the Samaritan uprising of 529–531. A description of the alleged circumstances of this decision and information regarding the amount of the sum granted are examined. According to Cyril’s account, the granted sum, 13 centenarii of gold, was to be set aside from the tax revenues of Palestine and then used to rebuild (only) the ecclesiastical and monastic infrastructure. It is not clear from the text whether the repair of the aforementioned damage was to be financed only in the area of Palaestina secunda (where the main fighting of the rebellion took place) or also in Palaestina prima. Moreover, there is no mention in the text in question (as well as in other sources of the period) of the financing of the repair of other damages, which undoubtedly were also caused by the Samaritan uprising. The issue that interested the author most was the amount of money that the Emperor Justinian allegedly allocated for the above-mentioned purpose. In order to verify the amount, the author compared it with other data showing the abundance of the imperial treasury at the time of Anastasius and Justinian, as well as reached for other information on the wealth of the cities at that time. After analysing this data, the author has come to the conclusion that, despite some doubts, the sum of 13 centenarii of gold (1,300 pounds) mentioned by Cyril and allegedly allocated by the imperial court to repair the damage caused by the Samaritan uprising seems quite reasonable.
7
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Upadek patriarchy aleksandryjskiego Dioskura

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Milewski I.
Vox Patrum
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2008
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vol. 52
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issue 1
647-659
EN
The overthrow of patriarch Dioscuros appertains to the breakthrough events, which influenced the doctrinal countenance of Late Antique Christianity. Despite the fact that the decision to deprive the patriarch of the throne remained solely political, the very depositional proceedings were commenced on the charge of wrongdoings committed by Dioscuros prior to and in the course of the second Ephesian Council. During the Chalcedonian Councii there were also four Alexandrians who maintained accusations against the patriarch, those being: two deacons (Theodoros and Ischyrionis), presbyter Athanasius and Sophronios, of whom we possess little knowledge. It was proved, however, that even the substantial charges did not destine Dioscuros to be overthrown as much as did his refusal to attend the council. The overthrown patriarch was exiled and therein died in 454. His relics were translated to Alexandria during the reign of Tymotheus Ailuros.
8
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Dzieci jako uczestnicy cudownych zdarzeń w "Vita Porphyrii Episcopi Gazensis" Marka Diakona

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Milewski I.
Vox Patrum
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2006
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vol. 49
405-417
EN
The author of this article not only described these miracles, but also made an attempt to interpret them. The first of the miraculous events, employing the ancient motif of a child medium conveying. God’s will to the believers, justifies the claim that the contemporary Christianity adapted pagan divinatio to suit its needs, reshaping it in the Christian mood. The other of the miracles was meant to show the power of both a prayer by a saint man addressed to the only God, and the sign of the cross (the symbol of the new and the only faith), which due to the Porphyry’s prayers, marked the bodies of the children awaiting the rescue. Owing to their being stigmatized with the cross by God’s Providence, they escaped unharmed from the seemingly hopeless situation.
9
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Miejsca zsyłek biskupów wschodniorzymskich w IV i V wieku

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Milewski I.
Vox Patrum
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1999
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vol. 36
367-386
EN
The subject of the present article are the places of exile into which the east roman bishops were sent in late antiquity. In the period we are concerned about, the act of exile followed a simple procedure: firstly, the episcopal councils decided about the deposition (the bishops were deprived of their functional duties) and then the emperors officially announced it.
10
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Kilka uwag o roli biskupa w mieście późnoantycznym (na przykładzie prowincji wschodnich)

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Milewski I.
Vox Patrum
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2001
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vol. 40
407-424
EN
In diesem Beitrag wurde die Rolle des Bischofs in der spatantiken Stadt besprochen. Die Aufmerksamkeit des Verfassers wurde vor allem auf eine Frage gelenkt: kann man die offentliche Tatigkeit des spatantiken Bischofs ais eine Fortsetzung der antiken Euergesia betrachten? Der Autor dieses Aufsatzes ist der Meinung, daB ja. Die Beantwortung dieser Frage stellen sich jedoch viele Schwierigkeiten entgegen, vor allem durch die Lakonitat der Ouellen, die die Tatigkeit der einzelnen Bischoffe betrifft.
11
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Powtórne wykorzystywanie świątyń pogańskich w późnej starożytności (na przykładzie prowincji wschodnich)

100%
Milewski I.
Vox Patrum
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2000
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vol. 38
561-575
EN
In diesem Beitrag wurde die Weiterverwendung der heidnischen Tempei in der Spatantike in den ostlichen Provinzen des Rómischen Reiches dargestellt. Die ersten gesetziichen Massnahmen gegen Tempei wurden durch Konstantin dem GroBen ausgegeben. Dann began auch die Zerstórung der heidnischen Heiiigtiimer. Kaiser Konstantin tibte jedoch im Vergieich mit seinen Nachfoigem eine gewisse Zuriickhaitung in seiner Poiitik gegen das Heidentum.
12
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The Economic Condition of the Bishopric of Gaza (Palestine) during the Rule of Bishop Porphyry (circa 395–420)

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Milewski I.
Studia Ceranea
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2018
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vol. 8
193-207
EN
The study attempts to determine the economic condition of a small provincial bishopric, namely the church of Gaza (Palestine) during the rule of bishop Porphyry (circa 395–420 AD). All of the information on the subject comes from the Vita Porphyrii by Mark the Deacon – a source whose historical value has often been disputed. Although the information on the wealth of the church in Gaza at the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries is not particularly vast or illuminating, it is nevertheless possible to identify several spheres of economic activity of the Gaza bishopric. These are, among other things, the property owned by the bishopric (real estate), its cash reserves (mostly at the beginning of the 5th century), the endowments of the imperial court (given by emperor Arcadius and his wife, empress Aelia Eudoxia), as well as the charitable activity of the bishopric (especially on the occasion of erecting the Eudoxiane, probably in 407).
13
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Ceny niewolników w „Historia Lausiaca” autorstwa Palladiusza z Helenopolis

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Milewski I.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2018
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issue 18
9-26
EN
The paper analyses the reports regarding slave prices which may be found in “Historia Lausiaca” written by Palladius, bishop of Bithynian Helenopolis. Two accounts concerning the prices of slaves were analyzed in detail. The figures provided by the antique author show a substantial spread, as prices vary from 3 (in Italy at the beginning of the fifth century) to 20 solidii per slave in a certain Egyptian city (probably in Alexandria) in the mid-fourth century. The author, comparing the data with other late antique accounts, attempts to establish the probative value of Palladius’s account on the slave prices in the early fifth century, and thus assess the usefulness of hagiographic literature in studies on late Roman and early Byzantine economy.
PL
The paper draws on the accounts by Palladius, bishop of Bithynian Helenopolis, to gather insights into slave prices. The figures contained in the source vary to a great extent (from 3 to 20 solidii for a slave). The author verifies the information against other late antique and early Byzantine accounts regarding slave prices.  
14
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A Few Remarks on the Ransom Paid for Releasing Captives in Selected Early Byzantine Hagiographic Texts

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Milewski I.
Studia Ceranea
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2017
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vol. 7
151-159
EN
The article analyzes certain early Byzantine hagiographic texts concerning various forms of brigandage (both maritime and land-based). Two such accounts are studied in detail, one by Gerontius of Jerusalem and another by Theodoret of Cyrus. The instances described unveil the weakness of Roman state structures at the borders of the state as well as in lands harassed by barbarian raids, including piracy. Despite certain flaws (mostly the lack of precision), the accounts under discussion constitute valuable and reliable sources of historical knowledge.
15
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Lýtron. Okup za odstąpienie od oblężenia miasta jako element strategii wojennej Chosroesa I w "De bello Persico" Prokopiusza z Cezarei

100%
Milewski I.
Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza
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2019
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issue 23
143-170
EN
The author analysed the description of Chosroes’s military campaign as presented by Procopius of Caesarea. Consecutive stages of the war in the years 540–542 are discussed with the main focus on the amounts of ransoms which the Persian king imposed on cities located on the route his army had taken towards Antiochia. Procopius mentions that the shares in the collection were proportionate to the estates and gold reserves owned by inhabitants of a city the ransom was demanded from. It is difficult to estimate the validity of such accounts. Unfortunately, there is no incidental information which could confirm their correctness. The ransom amounts listed by Procopius do, however, raise certain reservations. The author analyses the ransom amounts cited by Procopius and juxtaposes them with the size of a besieged city. The implemented comparison allows for expressing reasonable doubts as far as parts of Procopius’s accounts are concerned. It is confirmed in the instance of Antiochia, from which a considerably small ransom was demanded, whereas much larger sums were demanded from other, much smaller and less affluent towns. Thus, one may doubt the genuineness of some of the data provided by Procopius.
16
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Vom Nutzen der patristischen Literatur für die Erforschung der spätantiken Wirtschaft: das Beispiel der griechischen Kirchenväter des 4. Jahrhunderts

100%
Milewski I.
Studia Ceranea
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2013
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vol. 3
101-112
EN
The writings of ancient Christian Writers are still an unappreciated group of sources in the study of the economy of Late Antiquity. They provide a vast amount of information, especially for attentive readers. Within the last fifteen years, neither a monograph nor even a papers concerning some aspects of the Roman economy in the light of the late antique Patristic literature were written (at least not in those widely known and available journals). And the sources have not yet been exploited completely as far as the study of the economy of Late Antiquity is concerned. Also, in many instances, some of the issues should be analysed once more. One needs to take into consideration the progress which was made in the study of the history of the Later Roman Empire in the last years.
DE
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17
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Money in the Apophthegmata Patrum

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Milewski I.
Studia Ceranea
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2019
|
vol. 9
603-614
EN
The objective of this paper is to discuss accounts related to money in Apophthegmata Patrum, a collection of sayings attributed to famous Egyptian monks. The collection as we know it was produced in the 6th century. By describing the organisation of monastic centres in Egypt in the 4th and 5th century Apophthegmata also offer us some information about the period’s economic aspects. However, by and large, the data is very general. It pertains to: prices, wages, tax issues as well as money that was given to monks by pilgrims. Limited as it is, the data confirms that money was present in the everyday lives of Egyptian monks in late antiquity. Naturally, the major consideration behind whether a monk possessed money was whether he had contact with the outside world. This included selling self-made handcraft at markets, particularly woven mats and ropes, clay pots and sometimes also more specialised items (such as copied codices of the Bible). In Apophthegmata Patrum, similarly to what is the case with other Early Byzantium hagiographic texts, we find little information about moral evaluation of money or about the “appropriate” way to manage it.
18
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Pieniądz w Historia lausiaca autorstwa Palladiusza z Helenopolis

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Milewski I.
Vox Patrum
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2017
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vol. 67
423-435
EN
The paper analyses the reports regarding money, which appear in the Histo­ria Lausiaca by Palladius, bishop of bithynian Helenopolis and galatian Aspona. In the work of Palladius, money appears in several contexts: as a donation to a church and sums donated to charity. Amongst the most generous donors, there are: Melania the Elder, Melania the Younger and Olympias from Constantinople. In Historia Lausiaca, there can also be found some information about the prices and wages of the time. Another matter is the credibility of the reports when it comes to the amounts of money. Unfortunately, it is extremely difficult to ulti­mately verify their legitimacy. Other reports which give information on the prices and wages are not really helpful either.
19
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Kilka uwag o paramedycznym zastosowaniu oliwy przez chrześcijan w okresie wczesnobizantyńskim

100%
Milewski I.
Vox Patrum
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2014
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vol. 62
357-364
EN
Sources of the Early Byzantine Period describe Christian practices of using oil for medical purposes. These practices were not usual medical procedures. The sources describe the medical use of oil obtained from church lamps or giv­en by clergymen or by holy men, whose prayers were believed to strengthened the “medical” properties of the oil. These practices were used by Christians in many provinces of the Eastern Roman Empire, including Egypt, Palestine, Syria and Bithynia.
20
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Pieniądz w "Historia religiosa" autorstwa Teodoreta z Cyru

100%
Milewski I.
Vox Patrum
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2018
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vol. 69
481-492
EN
The paper analyses the reports regarding money, which appear in the Historia religiosa writen by Theodoret of Cyrus. Historia religiosa, on the one hand, presents the life of the Syrian monks, and the other hand depicts the realities of everyday life of the inhabitants of the collapsed provinces of the Roman East at the turn of the fourth and fifth century. On this occasion, we also find in Historia religiosa nu­merous references to the role of money in everyday life. In the work of Theodoret money appears in several contexts: as an important element of trade on the market, as taxes, as a ransom paid for releasing captives but also as a money in welfare ac­tivities (amounts of money donated to charity). Unfortunately, in Historia religiosa, we didn’t found any information about the prices and wages. The analyzed reports, despite a certain lack of precision, are a valuable sources of knowledge. They depicts everyday life in eastern provinces, “stories” unknown to the “great history”, allow­ing for a reconstruction of social and economic history of the later Roman Empire.
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