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International Labour Organization has been established hundred years ago with a purpose to institute mechanisms establishing common standards and certain international regulatory framework in response to the globalization processes associated with growing trade, increased competition between countries, increased migration and capital movements. After the World War 2 renewed ILO has been expected to become important element of the global governance system. Since the last decades of 20th century, new wave of globalization coupled with deregulation weakened both position of labour in the global economy and that of the ILO. As a consequence, increased inequalities and other consequences of spontaneous unregulated globalisation fuelled populist backlash against free trade and liberal democracy. Technological developments and associated changes in the world of business and the world of work call for the renewal of industrial relations, of concepts of employment relationship, tripartism and social dialogue. But like before, possibility of any improvement, including of restoring more equal bargaining position between parties to an employment relationship, lies in effective use of the freedom of association and the dialogue – founding principles of the ILO.
EN
The recent introduction of cash family benefit programme “500+” ignited debate on the desired levels of expenditure on family benefits and of overall social protection expenditure in Poland. The objective of the paper is to inform this debate through comparing levels of family benefit expenditure in Poland with the levels in other European Union and OECD countries. Analysis of the available data shows that Polish overall gross social protection expenditure – measured as its ratio to GDP – is significantly lower than the EU average and, after 2000, has been declining slightly (while EU average of this ratio has tended to increase). Expenditure on oldage, survivors’, and disability pensions is (as a percentage of GDP) not much lower than the EU average (although, after taking into account the impact of direct taxation, the difference between expenditure levels in Poland compared to other countries becomes much greater). At the same time, expenditure on health, unemployment, and family benefits has over the last 15 years been at significantly lower levels than levels prevailing in a majority of EU countries. Until 2015, family benefit expenditure in Poland was – as a percentage of GDP – significantly lower than the EU average. Expenditure on cash benefits in 2012 was 0.7%, which was a decline from 1% of GDP in 2000 and much less than the EU average of 1.6%. Since 2013, cash family benefit expenditure has been increasing faster than GDP, surpassing 0,8% of GDP in 2015. The introduction of 500+ more than doubled the expenditure to GDP ratio so that in 2016 it was 1.85% of GDP and one can estimate that in 2017, expenditure on all types of cash family benefits will surpass 2% of GDP. As expenditure on non-cash aspects of family benefits (benefits in kind like kindergartens and tax breaks for children) are not much lower in Poland than the EU average, programme 500+ raises overall social protection expenditure on family and children to about 3% of GDP which is slightly over the EU average but still lower than several higher spending countries in this area – UK, Scandinavian countries, France or Belgium for example. One has to bear in mind that imitations of data quality and availability and differences between countries both in terms of policy instruments used by social protection systems and differences of the extent to which various social benefits are affected by direct and indirect taxation, require caution when drawing conclusions from above comparison of expenditure levels.
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INCOME SECURITY FOR THE ELDERLY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

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EN
While European pension debates focus on long-term sustainability of existing pension systems, globally the major challenge is the lack coverage. Only 30% of the world’s working age population contributes to any pension scheme and only slightly more than half of the worlds elderly receive any type of pensions or other income support benefits. Main reasons of this situation are at the labour markets where only relatively small por­tions of the population are in formal employment which would allow achieving effective coverage by contributory pension schemes. Paper shows that countries which achieved significant expansion of coverage did it through non-contributory, so-called social pensions – universal, means-tested or pensiontested. The main challenge of non-contributory pensions benefits is not their sustaiability in terms of benefit costs as there is a number of policy parameters allowing to control benefit expenditure, but sustainability in terms of securing adequate budgetary funding. It requires implementing legal and budgeting mechanisms which would prevent discretion and politi­l volatility in allocating resources necessary to fund such pension schemes.
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EN
While European pension debates focus on long-term sustainability of existing pension systems, globally the major challenge is the lack coverage. Only 30% of the world’s working age population contributes to any pension scheme and only slightly more than half of the worlds elderly receive any type of pensions or other income support benefits. Main reasons of this situation are at the labour markets where only relatively small portions of the population are in formal employment which would allow achieving effective coverage by contributory pension schemes. Paper shows that countries which achieved significant expasion of coverage did it through non-contributory, so-called social pensions – universal, means-tested or pension-tested. The main chal­lenge of non-contributory pensions benefits is not their sustainability in terms of benefit costs as there is a number of policy parameters allowing to control benefit expenditure, but sustain­ability in terms of securing adequate budgetary funding. It requires implementing legal and budgeting mechanisms which would prevent discretion and political volatility in allocating resources necessary to fund such pension schemes.
PL
Podczas gdy europejskie debaty emerytalne skupiają się na długoterminowej stabilności istniejących systemów emerytalnych, w skali globalnej głównym wyzwaniem jest ich niepełny zasięg. Tylko 30% światowej populacji w wieku produkcyjnym wpłaca składki do dowolnego systemu emerytalnego i tylko nieco ponad połowa osób starszych otrzymuje jakiś rodzaj emerytury lub innych świadczeń wsparcia dochodowego. Główne przyczyny tej sytuacji tkwią w rynku pracy, gdzie tylko stosunkowo mała część populacji jest formalnie zatrudniona, w sposób, który pozwoliłby na skuteczną ochronę składkowego systemu emerytalnego. Artykuł pokazuje, że kraje, które zdołały znacznie rozszerzyć zasięg ochrony emerytalnej, osiągnęły to za pomocą tzw. emerytur powszechnych: nieskładkowych i uniwersalnych, zależnych od dochodów lub uprawnień do innych świadczeń. Głównym wyzwaniem nieskładkowych świadczeń emerytalnych jest nie tyle ich zrównoważenie pod względem kosztów świadczeń, jako że istnieje szereg parametrów polityki, pozwalających na kontrolowanie wydatków na świadczenia, a raczej zrównoważenie pod względem zabezpieczenia odpowiedniego finansowania budżetowego. Wymaga to wdrożenia mechanizmów prawnych i budżetowych, które zapobiegałyby samowoli i niestabilności politycznej w przydzielaniu zasobów niezbędnych do sfinansowania takich systemów emerytalnych.
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FROM THE EDITORS

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XX
International Labour Organization has been established hundred years ago with a purpose to institute mechanisms establishing common standards and certain international regulatory framework in response to the globalization processes associated with growing trade, increased competition between countries, increased migration and capital movements. After the World Wart 2 renewed ILO has been expected to become important element of the global governance system. Since the last decades of 20th century, new wave of globalization coupled with deregulation weakened both position of labour in the global economy and that of the ILO. As a consequence, increased inequalities and other consequences of spontaneous unregulated globalisation fuelled populist backlash against free trade and liberal democracy. Technological developments and associated changes in the world of business and the world of work call for the renewal of industrial relations, of concepts of employment relationship, tripartism and social dialogue. But like before, possibility of any improvement, including of restoring more equal bargaining position between parties to an employment relationship, lies in effective use of the freedom of association and the dialogue – founding principles of the ILO. Key
PL
Podstawowymi celami społecznymi systemów emerytalnych jest przeciwdziałanie ubóstwu na starość oraz wyrównywanie konsumpcji w cyklu życia, a więc przeciwdziałanie spadkowi poziomu życia po zakończeniu okresu aktywności zawodowej. Polska, podobnie jak inne kraje, radykalnie reformowała publiczne składkowe programy emerytalne stanowiące główną część jej systemu emerytalnego. Wprowadzone reformy miały na celu osiągnięcie trwałych możliwości finansowania poprzez stabilizację poziomu składek i uruchomienie mechanizmów regulujących koszty. Mechanizmy te – w sytuacji demograficznego starzenia się ludności – prowadzą do obniżania poziomu stóp zastąpienia, co może uczynić systemy emerytalne niezdolnymi do realizacji ich społecznych celów – a więc nieadekwatnymi społecznie. Autor artykułu proponuje, by zamiast rozważania konfliktu między dążeniem do osiągnięcia trwałych możliwości finansowania systemów emerytalnych a dążeniem do ich adekwatności w sensie realizacji celów społecznych, zdefiniować adekwatność systemów emerytalnych w sposób integrujący trzy nierozłączne wymiary: adekwatność poziomu świadczeń, adekwatność wieku emerytalnego oraz adekwatność poziomu składek i podatków finansujących emerytury. Tylko pełna świadomość i zrozumienie nierozłączności tych trzech wymiarów pozwoli na osiągnięcie porozumienia w dialogu społecznym różnych interesariuszy odnośnie do priorytetów realizowanych celów i pożądanego kształtu systemu emerytalnego. Rozważania zilustrowane są analizą polskiej reformy emerytalnej, jej przewidywanych długookresowych konsekwencji oraz istniejących wyzwań i dylematów.
EN
The main objectives of retirement systems is the prevention of poverty in old age and a smoothing out of consumption levels to prevent undesired for falls in living standards after retirement itself. Poland, along with many other countries, has radically reformed the public contributory schemes dominating its pension systems. These reforms aim to achieve long term financial and fiscal sustainability through stabilizing contribution rates, building into the schemes automatic stabilizing mechanisms. These mechanism lead – under the conditions of demographic ageing – to lower the replacement rates, which may in turn make these systems unable to achieve the social goals set them – and thus becoming socially inadequate. The paper proposes that instead of debating trade-offs between conflicting goals over financial sustainability and social adequacy, one should redefine the notion of the adequacy of pension systems in a way which integrates three mutually interconnected dimensions of adequacy: adequate benefit levels, adequate retirement age and adequate level of contributions and taxes necessary for financing. Only total awareness and an understanding of the inseparability of these three dimensions may allow agreement to be reached in the social dialogue between all the stakeholders on policy priorities and the desired shape of the retirement system. The arguments provided in the paper are illustrated with a detailed analysis of Polish pension reform, its predicted long-term implications and emerging challenges and dilemmas.
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