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1
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Stygmat Norwida: w poszukiwaniu śladów historii świętej na powierzchni świata

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Świat Tekstów. Rocznik Słupski
|
2009
|
vol. 7
5-37
EN
This article analyzes the short story Stigma written by the Polish romantic poet Cyprian Kamil Norwid (1821-1883) against the background of nineteenth-century critical theology that attempted to diminish the gap between the transcendent God and the immanent world. This is usually accomplished by humanizing Christ, the Son of God, who is seen as ,,the most perfect of man”. An important representative of this conception was the French positivist historian Ernest Renan, the author of the famous Vie de Jésus. In Stigma Norwid engages in a veiled discussion with Renan’s ideas. The Polish poet tries to show that the traces of the transcendent God can be perceived ‘here and now’, in the world of sense-data and social conventions. These traces refer to ‘sacred history’, the life, death and Resurrection of Jesus Christ and the apostles. They are, however, usually overlooked, not because they are ‘hidden’, but as а consequence of a wrong attitude of man. He (or she) must undergo a transformation, become him[her]self a subject of ‘sacred history’ (the narrator misses his chance to ‘become’ Saint Paul, on the road to Damascus), touch the stigmata of Christ. When we fail to undergo this transformation, we perceive being as ‘objective’, ruled by an impeccable chain of causes and effects, explained by positivist ‘science’. In this case we also loose our own liberty and turn out to be objects, determined by the ‘stigma’ of race and nature. What we take for liberty is only ‘chance’. This positivist point of view is not so much ‘wrong’ as one-sided. It often leads to fatal misunderstandings, by which human beings are destroyed, as shown by the plot of Stigma.
2
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„Francis Bacon czyli Diego Velázquez na fotelu dentystycznym” – malarskie i inne cytaty jako „dodatek” do rozpraszającego się życia

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Przestrzenie Teorii
|
2014
|
issue 21
59-76
EN
The mature poetry of Tadeusz Różewicz seems to be at odds with both modernist and postmodern literary tenets. It undeniably makes abundant use of intertextuality (including self-quotations), but in spite of this [post]modernist tendency it does resist self-referential impersonality. Różewicz again immerses allusions to images, texts and other artifacts – which, according to formalist and structuralist interpretations, should disengage themselves from an artist’s biography in order to achieve aesthetic autonomy – in the current of life, devoid of an innate sense and always identical to itself. In fact, life cannot be apprehended by art, and precisely, Różewicz tries to thematize this impossibility by producing texts or rather poetical acts that could be classified as self-effacing artifacts. He even succeeded in discrediting the modernist epiphany (which has a double status, i.e. as a poetical device and a window on the transcendent) by replacing it with loquacious anticlimaxes. The fragmentary, disintegrating form of his later poetry (the long poem “Francis Bacon or Diego Velázquez in a dentist’s chair” is a perfect – or rather consciously imperfect – implementation of this form) does not pretend to be a representation of a human being’s disintegrating existence. This poetry is, above all, an existential act, or – in other words – a performance, and not a self-sufficient work of art.
3
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Ruś Kijowska między Eurazją a Europą Środko-Wowschodnią. Rosyjskie narracje tożsamościowe z zachodniego punktu widzenia

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Porównania
|
2015
|
vol. 16
19-30
EN
After the annexation of the Crimea by Vladimir Putin’s Russia attempts at an ideological justification of Greater Russia’s role as a dominating power in Eastern Europe have acquired a new relevance. An important issue from this point of view is the relationship between Kievan Rus’ – traditionally considered the cradle of the [Rus-sian civilization – and the Grand Principality of Moscow that replaced it after the Mongol incur-sions. Russian identity narratives usually marginalize the current status of (the) Ukraine and stress its peripherality in the “Russian world”. In order to achieve this they employ both theo-logical, cultural and geopolitical arguments that sometimes appear to be at odds with each other. Moscow is both the center of the true (orthodox) Christian faith and the civilization of the Eura-sian geopolitical space. In the latter case the Russian capital rules a multi-religious empire. Eurasian ideologues like L.N. Gumiliov and particularly Alexander Dugin reject alternative, “Western” interpretation of Russian (and Ukrainian) history by pointing out that there exists an unbridgeable gap between the Western and the Russian (or Eurasian) civilization. According to them, Western scholars can never grasp the specificity of the Russian (Eurasian) historical devel-opment. It could be argued that this argument for a relativism along civilizational lines dimin-ishes the universal impact of Christianity which (that) in the Russian context loses much of its transcendent sense and becomes – instead – a cultural feature. On the other hand, though, the (half-conscious) culturalization of orthodox Christianity gives more weight to geopolitical arguments in favor of Moscow as the center of the Russian World (and Russia as the center of Eurasia). However, this does not mean that the pivotal role of Moscow as the residence of the All Russian Patriarchate, the “legitimate” successor to the ancient metropolis of Kievan Rus’, is not exploited, in order to discredit Ukraine’s ambitions of becoming an independent state.
PL
Po przyłączeniu Krymu przez Rosję Vladimira Putina nowego znaczenia nabrały próby ideologicznego uzasad-nienia roli Wielkiej Rosji jako dominującej potęgi w Europie Wschodniej. Z tego punktu widze-nia, jako istotne zagadnienie, jawi się relacja między Rusią Kijowską, tradycyjnie uważaną za kolebkę (słowiańskiej) rosyjskiej cywilizacji, a Wielkim Księstwem Moskiewskim, które zastąpiło Ruś Kijowską po inwazjach mongolskich. Rosyjskie narracje tożsamościowe zazwyczaj margina-lizują obecny status Ukrainy i podkreślają jej peryferyjność w „świecie rosyjskim”. Aby to osiągnąć używają one zarówno teologicznych, kulturowych, jak i geopolitycznych argumentów, które czasami wydają się wzajemnie sprzeczne. Moskwa jest jednocześnie centrum prawdziwej (orto-doksyjnej) chrześcijańskiej wiary i cywilizacji w geopolitycznej przestrzeni Eurazji. W tym dru-gim przypadku rosyjska stolica sprawuje władzę nad multireligijnym imperium. (Neo)eurazja-tyccy ideolodzy, tacy jak L.N. Gumiliov, a zwłaszcza Alexander Dugin odrzucają alternatywną, „zachodnią” wersję rosyjskiej (i ukraińskiej) historii, podkreślają bowiem, że istnieje nieprzekra-czalna bariera między zachodnią a rosyjską (eurazjatycką) cywilizacją. Według nich zachodni naukowcy nigdy nie zrozumieją fenomenu historycznego rosyjskiego (eurazjatyckiego) rozwoju. Można dowodzić, że argument za relatywizacją zgodną z linią podziałów cywilizacyjnych zmniejsza uniwersalne oddziaływanie chrześcijaństwa, które w rosyjskim kontekście traci wiele ze swych transcendentnych sensów i zamiast tego staje się wyłącznie cechą kulturową. Chociaż z drugiej strony, (nie do końca świadome) rozpatrywanie ortodoksyjnego chrześcijaństwa jako fenomenu kulturowego zwiększa moc argumentów geopolitycznych, zgodnie z którymi Mo-skwa jest centrum rosyjskiego świata (a sama Rosja centrum Eurazji). Jednakże, nie oznacza to, że kluczowa rola Moskwy, jako siedziby Patriarchatu dla wszystkich Rosjan, „prawomocnego” następcy dawnej metropolii kijowskiej, nie będzie wykorzystywana w zgodzie z tendencją, by podważać ukraińskie ambicje stworzenia całkowicie niezależnego państwa.
4

Wiersze i wypowiedzi epistolarne Norwida o Rzymie i Papiestwie w kontekście polemik francuskich

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2017
|
vol. 35
105-122
PL
Norwid interesował się żywo losami Państwa Kościelnego w drugiej połowie XIX wieku. Świadczą o tym zarówno niektóre jego listy, jak i wiersze. Znajdujemy w nich wiele śladów lektury (zwłaszcza francukich) gazet i innych tekstów publicystycznych. Z punktu widzenia poety osoba papieża odgrywała ważną rolę dziejową. Właśnie Pius IX miał stanąć na czele federatywnie zorganizowanego państwa włoskiego. Głównym przeciwnikiem władcy Watykanu był Giuseppe Garibaldi, który w latach sześćdziesiątych XIX wieku przyczynił się w decydujący sposób do zjednoczenia Włoch, choć Francja Napoleona III nie dopuściła do zajęcia samego Rzymu. W odróżnieniu od dużej części polskiej emigracji, Norwid miał negatywny stosunek do włoskiego republikanina. Nie uważał go (w czasie poprzedzającym powstanie styczniowe) za wzór do naśladowania. Przyczyną tej negatywnej oceny była Norwidowska koncepcja historii świętej zakładającej konieczną relację między dziejami a sacrum. Prowadzonej przez Garibaldiego zbrojnej walki o założenie nowoczesnego państwa narodowego nie można było – zdaniem Norwida – umieścić w kontekście historii świętej (zupełnie inaczej miała się zaś sprawa z pokojowymi manifestacjami na ulicach Warszawy w 1861-1862). Włoski patriota zlekceważył przede wszystkim kapłańską charyzmę władcy Rzymu. Właśnie na niej, czyli na „patriotyzmie-chrześcijańskim”, polega[ło] uniwersalistyczne posłannictwo stolicy świata (pogański Rzym był jej prefiguracją). Autor wiersza Do władcy Rzymu był przekonany, że owa zakorzeniona w historii świętej wizja Rzymu, mimo chwilowych niepowodzeń, miała w końcu zwyciężyć.
EN
Norwid was very much interested in the fate of the Papal State in the second half of the 19th century, which is testified in some of his letters and poems. Many traces of his reading newspapers and essayistic texts (particularly in French) can be found in these texts. From Norwid’s point of view the Pope played an important, historical role. He believed that Pius IX should head a federation-based Italian state. The Pope’s main opponent was Giuseppe Garibaldi who in the 1860s decisively contributed to the Italian unity, although Napoleon III’s France did not allow him to capture Rome itself. Norwid – unlike the largest part of the Polish emigration – had a negative attitude towards the Italian republican leader. He did not consider him (in the period immediately preceding the January Uprising) a model to follow. The main reason of this negative assessment was Norwid’s concept of sacred history that presumes there must exist a relation between the history and sacrum. According to Norwid, Garibaldi’s armed struggle for the establishment of a modern nation state did not fit in the context of sacred history (by contrast, the peaceful manifestations on the streets of Warsaw in the years 1861-62 took an entirely different course). In particular, Garibaldi failed to appreciate the sacerdotal char-isma of the Rome’s ruler. But it was precisely this “Christian-Patriotism” on which the universal mission of the world capital (prefigured by pagan Rome) was based. Norwid, the author of the poem “Do władcy Rzymu” [To Rome’s ruler], was convinced that this vision of Rome rooted in sacred history would – in spite of temporary setbacks – ultimately triumph.
5
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Norwid a pozytywistyczna koncepcja dziejów (Henry Thomas Buckle)

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2011
|
vol. 29
33-55
PL
The worldview of Cyprian Norwid developed in conscious opposition towards European Positivism (Scientism). However, his critical stance did not exclude the possibility of a dialogue. Norwid, due to his being an exile and longtime resident of Paris, the nineteenth century capital of European civilization, acquired a broad knowledge of this new intellectual current. He closely watched the development of Positivist science (particularly in the field of history), and he took account of its discoveries. This is borne out by a letter of Norwid with a (possibly distorted) quotation from the first volume of History of Civilization in England. This monumental work had been written by Henry Thomas Buckle, one of the main representatives (together with Hyppolite Taine and Ernest Renan) of the Positivist philosophy of history. More profound analysis shows that a critical reception of Buckle's philosophy of history left its mark on several later texts of Norwid (e.g. the short stories Stigma and The Secret of Lord Singelworth). Norwid's reception of the Positivist philosophy of history seems to be quite original, because he actually adopted some of its tenets and attempted to incorporate them into a context that revealed their roots in the evangelic Salvation History. Thus, Norwid admitted the epistemological relevance of some Positivist ideas about the nature and structure of history.
6
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Norwid europejski

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
1993
|
vol. 11
3-30
EN
This article considers the reception of Norwid’s poetry in the Anglo-Saxon context. Understanding foreign poetry depends mainly on the chosen strategy of translation. Frequently, it opens wide vistas in the landscape of the native tradition but, on the other hand, the sheer unadaptability of many themes and motives suggests sometimes a more modest procedure which tries to salvage the originality of a poem, even if this means diminishing its artistic impact. Is it possible to establish comparative contexts on which the Anglo-Saxon reader can draw in order to get access to the complicated phenomenon of Norwid’s poetry? Until now his place in the European literary tradition has been determined by its supposed closeness to West-European symbolist and modernist poetry. These contexts often turned out to be blatantly anachronistic. But, if we agree to make allowance for this kind of comparative readings, should it not be possible for us, witnesses of the decline of ideology and the rising tide of Postmodernism, to discover more „relevant” backgrounds? It seems that the peculiar mood of our times has been taken into account by Adam Czerniawski, whose translations of Norwid’s poetry are among the best until now. It has been the fashion to show Norwid as a poet far in advance of his age. He has been hailed as the father of modern Polish poetry. Such a statement entails that his role can only be appreciated in relation to his ,,Po1ishness” and the identity of Polish poetry. On the other hand, his nationality arouses in the Anglo-Saxon reader certain geographical and historical notions. Norwid’s writings become part of the wider context of East (or Central) European postwar literature (which is readily accessible in translation). They will be assessed in relation to such well-known themes as the tension between individual liberty and deterministic conceptions of history and anthropology, the poet’s plight in the totalitarian state and the identity of the émigré, who attempts to come to terms with his past in the conditions of the „Open Society”. Especially this last theme seems to be of great urgency for the Anglo-Saxon (and in general „Western”) reader. In the „Open Society”, which could also be called „The World of Commerce and Industry” (Zofia Stefanowska), matters are too complicated for clear-cut distinctions between black or white, right or wrong. How then can one preserve an overall view in the equivocal and shimmering reality of this world? An answer to this challenge is offered by the peculiar way of perceiving reality that has been the natural (but not altogether pleasant) privilege of the contemporary émigré from Eastern-Europe, who in spite of his attempts to do justice to the reality of the „World of Commerce and Industry” never forgets his in an elusive way more „authentic” and fundamental experiences in the „Realm of Oppression and Coercion”. This equivocal state of mind gives rise to a poetry in which irony and pathos coexist in a difficult but very convincing marriage. The pilgrim and moralist (in Norwid’s poetry) can be seen as precursors of the modern East-European émigré who, if he is a writer, will try to exploit this dichotomy in order to breathe new life into a literary tradition which seems to have lost its emotional drive and moral urgency. Such an interpretation of the state of Western poetry is well in tune with reader expectations. Norwid’s poetry will be incorporated (as has been shown by Stanisław Barańczak) into the main-stream of East-European (and especially Polish - Miłosz, Herbert, Szymborska) poetry with its discourse of irony, moral commitment and civic religiousness.
7

Norwid’s poems and letters about Rome and the papacy in the context of French polemics

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2017
|
vol. 35 English Version
113-132
XX
Norwid was very much interested in the fate of the Papal State in the second half of the 19th century, which is testified in some of his letters and poems. Many traces of his reading newspapers and essayistic texts (particularly in French) can be found in these texts. From Norwid’s point of view the Pope played an important, historical role. He believed that Pius IX should head a federation-based Italian state. The Pope’s main opponent was Giuseppe Garibaldi who in the 1860s decisively contributed to the Italian unity, although Napoleon III’s France did not allow him to capture Rome itself. Norwid – unlike the largest part of the Polish emigration – had a negative attitude towards the Italian republican leader. He did not consider him (in the period immediately preceding the January Uprising) a model to follow. The main reason of this negative assessment was Norwid’s concept of sacred history that presumes there must exist a relation between the history and sacrum. According to Norwid, Garibaldi’s armed struggle for the establishment of a modern nation state did not fit in the context of sacred history (by contrast, the peaceful manifestations on the streets of Warsaw in the years 1861-62 took an entirely different course). In particular, Garibaldi failed to appreciate the sacerdotal char-isma of the Rome’s ruler. But it was precisely this “Christian-Patriotism” on which the universal mission of the world capital (prefigured by pagan Rome) was based. Norwid, the author of the poem “Do władcy Rzymu” [To Rome’s ruler], was convinced that this vision of Rome rooted in sacred history would – in spite of temporary setbacks – ultimately triumph.
8
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid europejski

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
1993
|
vol. 11
3-30
PL
This article considers the reception of Norwid’s poetry in the Anglo-Saxon context. Understanding foreign poetry depends mainly on the chosen strategy of translation. Frequently, it opens wide vistas in the landscape of the native tradition but, on the other hand, the sheer unadaptability of many themes and motives suggests sometimes a more modest procedure which tries to salvage the originality of a poem, even if this means diminishing its artistic impact. Is it possible to establish comparative contexts on which the Anglo-Saxon reader can draw in order to get access to the complicated phenomenon of Norwid’s poetry? Until now his place in the European literary tradition has been determined by its supposed closeness to West-European symbolist and modernist poetry. These contexts often turned out to be blatantly anachronistic. But, if we agree to make allowance for this kind of comparative readings, should it not be possible for us, witnesses of the decline of ideology and the rising tide of Postmodernism, to discover more „relevant” backgrounds? It seems that the peculiar mood of our times has been taken into account by Adam Czerniawski, whose translations of Norwid’s poetry are among the best until now. It has been the fashion to show Norwid as a poet far in advance of his age. He has been hailed as the father of modern Polish poetry. Such a statement entails that his role can only be appreciated in relation to his ,,Po1ishness” and the identity of Polish poetry. On the other hand, his nationality arouses in the Anglo-Saxon reader certain geographical and historical notions. Norwid’s writings become part of the wider context of East (or Central) European postwar literature (which is readily accessible in translation). They will be assessed in relation to such well-known themes as the tension between individual liberty and deterministic conceptions of history and anthropology, the poet’s plight in the totalitarian state and the identity of the émigré, who attempts to come to terms with his past in the conditions of the „Open Society”. Especially this last theme seems to be of great urgency for the Anglo-Saxon (and in general „Western”) reader. In the „Open Society”, which could also be called „The World of Commerce and Industry” (Zofia Stefanowska), matters are too complicated for clear-cut distinctions between black or white, right or wrong. How then can one preserve an overall view in the equivocal and shimmering reality of this world? An answer to this challenge is offered by the peculiar way of perceiving reality that has been the natural (but not altogether pleasant) privilege of the contemporary émigré from Eastern-Europe, who in spite of his attempts to do justice to the reality of the „World of Commerce and Industry” never forgets his in an elusive way more „authentic” and fundamental experiences in the „Realm of Oppression and Coercion”. This equivocal state of mind gives rise to a poetry in which irony and pathos coexist in a difficult but very convincing marriage. The pilgrim and moralist (in Norwid’s poetry) can be seen as precursors of the modern East-European émigré who, if he is a writer, will try to exploit this dichotomy in order to breathe new life into a literary tradition which seems to have lost its emotional drive and moral urgency. Such an interpretation of the state of Western poetry is well in tune with reader expectations. Norwid’s poetry will be incorporated (as has been shown by Stanisław Barańczak) into the main-stream of East-European (and especially Polish - Miłosz, Herbert, Szymborska) poetry with its discourse of irony, moral commitment and civic religiousness.
9
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Cyprian Norwid – Peter Gehrisch, Über die Freiheit des Wortes (Rzecz o wolności słowa)

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2016
|
vol. 34 English Version
250-278
EN
This article is a critical appraisal of the recent German publication entitled Über die Freiheit des Wortes, which is a German translation of the well-known Norwid's poetic treatise On the freedom of the Word, also including some other translations of his poetic works, e.g. Fatum, W Weronie [In Verona], Bema pamięci żałobny-rapsod [A funeral rhapsody in memory of General Bem], Ironia [Irony] or Fortepian Szopena [Chopin’s Grand Piano]. Yet, preeminent in the volume is the title treatise in verse, if not for the fact that the volume offers the first ever German rendition of this work. According to the author of the article, the translator Peter Gehrisch sometimes happens to fall into interpretation traps that Norwid’s texts are full of: semantic convolutions, phraseological ambiguities or – above all – stylistic and syntactic complications. Another limitation that is evident in the German rendition is that Gehrisch strove very much to preserve in his version the original versed form of the treatise. The result is not always optimal if one considers the senses of the particular phrases or larger fragments.
10
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Content available

Progress and Critical Thought in Norwid’s and Peter Lavrov’s Work

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2020
|
vol. 38 English Version
55-64
EN
The Polish romantic poet Cyprian Norwid and the Russian philosopher and sociologist Peter Lavrov met while living as exiles in Paris during the 1870s. They respected each other, although their worldviews could not be reconciled at first sight (though both were discontent with the political status quo). Lavrov was an atheist and considered religion to be a “reactionary” force in the age of scientific progress, slowing down further emancipation of the individual (though it once played a positive role). Norwid – on the other hand – thought that progress without roots in Christian religion would restrict the idea of humanity and reduce it to physiological determinism. This article examines the debate between the Polish Catholic and the Russian atheist in the context of their period, focusing on the negative consequences of a narrowly scientistic attitude (which was, as a matter of fact, rejected by Lavrov), e.g. the relation between contemporary anthropological research and racial theories.
11
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Vade-mecum i upoetycznienie dyskursu epistolarnego

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2021
|
vol. 39
57-80
EN
This article attempts to highlight relationships between poems from the collection Vade-mecum and Norwid’s epistolography. These ties manifest not only on the genetic level, but also in terms of themes as well as stylistic and lexical elements (including key words), primarily with regard to the use of communication structures. What draws attention in these poems is the use of dialogue and the incorporation of colloquial and epistolographic phrases.In his letters, on the other hand, the poet displays a predilection for saturating certain passages with formulas and expressions of distinctly poetic character.
PL
Artykuł stara się pokazać związki i relacje, jakie łączą wiersze ze zbioru Vade-mecum z epistolografią Norwida. Relacje ujawniają się nie tylko poziom genetycznym, ale także tematycznym, stylistycznym, leksykalnym (w tym dotyczącym słów-kluczy) i przede wszystkim w zakresie wykorzystywania struktur komunikacyjnych. W przypadku wierszy zwraca uwagę dialog oraz sięganie po formuły potoczne i epistolograficzne, zaś jeśli chodzi o listy skłonność poety do przesycania przynajmniej niektórych ich fragmentów formułami i zwrotami o wybitnie poetyckim charakterze.
12

Cyprian Norwid – Peter Gehrisch, Über die Freiheit des Wortes (On the Freedom of the Word)

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2016
|
vol. 34 English Version
248-277
EN
This article is a critical appraisal of the recent German publication entitled Über die Freiheit des Wortes, which is a German translation of the well-known Norwid's poetic treatise On the freedom of the Word, also including some other translations of his poetic works, e.g. Fatum, W Weronie [In Verona], Bema pamięci żałobny-rapsod [A funeral rhapsody in memory of General Bem], Ironia [Irony] or Fortepian Szopena [Chopin’s Grand Piano]. Yet, preeminent in the volume is the title treatise in verse, if not for the fact that the volume offers the first ever German rendition of this work. According to the author of the article, the translator Peter Gehrisch sometimes happens to fall into interpretation traps that Norwid’s texts are full of: semantic convolutions, phraseological ambiguities or – above all – stylistic and syntactic complications. Another limitation that is evident in the German rendition is that Gehrisch strove very much to preserve in his version the original versed form of the treatise. The result is not always optimal if one considers the senses of the particular phrases or larger fragments.
13

Cyprian Norwid – Peter Gehrisch, Über die Freiheit des Wortes (Rzecz o wolności słowa)

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2016
|
vol. 34
248-277
EN
This article is a critical appraisal of the recent German publication entitled Über die Freiheit des Wortes, which is a German translation of the well-known Norwid's poetic treatise On the freedom of the Word, also including some other translations of his poetic works, e.g. Fatum, W Weronie [In Verona], Bema pamięci żałobny-rapsod [A funeral rhapsody in memory of General Bem], Ironia [Irony] or Fortepian Szopena [Chopin’s Grand Piano]. Yet, preeminent in the volume is the title treatise in verse, if not for the fact that the volume offers the first ever German rendition of this work. According to the author of the article, the translator Peter Gehrisch sometimes happens to fall into interpretation traps that Norwid’s texts are full of: semantic convolutions, phraseological ambiguities or – above all – stylistic and syntactic complications. Another limitation that is evident in the German rendition is that Gehrisch strove very much to preserve in his version the original versed form of the treatise. The result is not always optimal if one considers the senses of the particular phrases or larger fragments.
14
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Norwid a pozytywistyczna koncepcja dziejów (Henry Thomas Buckle)

100%
van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2011
|
vol. 29
33-55
EN
The worldview of Cyprian Norwid developed in conscious opposition towards European Positivism (Scientism). However, his critical stance did not exclude the possibility of a dialogue. Norwid, due to his being an exile and longtime resident of Paris, the nineteenth century capital of European civilization, acquired a broad knowledge of this new intellectual current. He closely watched the development of Positivist science (particularly in the field of history), and he took account of its discoveries. This is borne out by a letter of Norwid with a (possibly distorted) quotation from the first volume of History of Civilization in England. This monumental work had been written by Henry Thomas Buckle, one of the main representatives (together with Hyppolite Taine and Ernest Renan) of the Positivist philosophy of history. More profound analysis shows that a critical reception of Buckle's philosophy of history left its mark on several later texts of Norwid (e.g. the short stories Stigma and The Secret of Lord Singelworth). Norwid's reception of the Positivist philosophy of history seems to be quite original, because he actually adopted some of its tenets and attempted to incorporate them into a context that revealed their roots in the evangelic Salvation History. Thus, Norwid admitted the epistemological relevance of some Positivist ideas about the nature and structure of history.
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Postęp i myśl krytyczna u Norwida i Piotra Ławrowa

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van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
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2020
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vol. 38
59-69
EN
The Polish romantic poet Cyprian Norwid and the Russian philosopher and sociologist Piotr Lavrov met while living as exiles in Paris during the seventies of the XIX century. They respected each other, although their worldviews could at first sight not be reconciled (but they were both discontent of the political status quo). Lavrov was an atheist and considered religion to be a „reactionary” force in the age of scientific progress, slowing down the further emancipation of the individual (though previously it performed a positive role). Norwid-on the other hand-thought that progress without roots in Christian sacrality would restrict the idea of humanity and reduce it to a physiological determinism. This article shows the debate between a Polish catholic and an atheist Russian in the context of the period. It focuses on the negative consequences of a narrow scientist attitude (as a matter of fact, rejected by Lavrov), e.g. the relation between contemporary anthropological research and racial theories.
PL
Polski późny romantyk Cyprian Norwid i rosyjski filozof i socjolog Piotr Ławrow spotkali się jako emigranci w Paryżu lat siedemdziesiątych XIX wieku. Szanowali się wzajemnie, choć mieli wykluczające się na pierwszy rzut oka światopoglądy (ale łączyło ich niezadowolenie z politycznego status quo). Ławrow był ateistą i uważał, że w epoce naukowego postępu religia stanowi czynnik „reakcyjny”, hamujący dalszą emancypację jednostki (choć wcześniej spełniła pozytywną rolę). Norwid uważał zaś, że postęp bez zakorzenienia w chrześcijańskim sacrum zawęża ideę człowieczeństwa, redukując ją do „fizjologicznego” determinizmu. Artykuł pokazuje współczesne konteksty sporu między polskim katolikiem a ateistycznym Rosjaninem i poświęca sporo uwagi negatywnym konsekwencjom wąskiej postawy scentystycznej (odrzuconym zresztą przez Ławrowa), np. relacji między ówczesnymi badaniami antropologicznymi a teoriami rasowymi.
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Norwid’s poems and letters about Rome and the papacy in the context of French polemics

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van Nieukerken A.
Studia Norwidiana
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2017
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vol. 35 English Version
113-132
PL
Norwid interesował się żywo losami Państwa Kościelnego w drugiej połowie XIX wieku. Świadczą o tym zarówno niektóre jego listy, jak i wiersze. Znajdujemy w nich wiele śladów lektury (zwłaszcza francuskich) gazet i innych tekstów publicystycznych. Z punktu widzenia poety osoba papieża odgrywała ważną rolę dziejową. Właśnie Pius IX miał stanąć na czele federatywnie zorganizowanego państwa włoskiego. Głównym przeciwnikiem władcy Watykanu był Giuseppe Garibaldi, który w latach sześćdziesiątych XIX wieku przyczynił się w decydujący sposób do zjednoczenia Włoch, choć Francja Napoleona III nie dopuściła do zajęcia samego Rzymu. W odróżnieniu od dużej części polskiej emigracji, Norwid miał negatywny stosunek do włoskiego republikanina. Nie uważał go (w czasie poprzedzającym powstanie styczniowe) za wzór do naśladowania. Przyczyną tej negatywnej oceny była Norwidowska koncepcja historii świętej zakładającej konieczną relację między dziejami a sacrum. Prowadzonej przez Garibaldiego zbrojnej walki o założenie nowoczesnego państwa narodowego nie można było – zdaniem Norwida – umieścić w kontekście historii świętej (zupełnie inaczej miała się zaś sprawa z pokojowymi manifestacjami na ulicach Warszawy w 1861-1862). Włoski patriota zlekceważył przede wszystkim kapłańską charyzmę władcy Rzymu. Właśnie na niej, czyli na „patriotyzmiechrześcijańskim”, polega[ło] uniwersalistyczne posłannictwo stolicy świata (pogański Rzym był jej prefiguracją). Autor wiersza Do władcy Rzymu był przekonany, że owa zakorzeniona w historii świętej wizja Rzymu, mimo chwilowych niepowodzeń, miała w końcu zwyciężyć.
EN
Norwid was very much interested in the fate of the Papal State in the second half of the 19th century, which is testified in some of his letters and poems. Many traces of his reading newspapers and essayistic texts (particularly in French) can be found in these texts. From Norwid’s point of view the Pope played an important, historical role. He believed that Pius IX should head a federation-based Italian state. The Pope’s main opponent was Giuseppe Garibaldi who in the 1860s decisively contributed to the Italian unity, although Napoleon III’s France did not allow him to capture Rome itself. Norwid – unlike the largest part of the Polish emigration – had a negative attitude towards the Italian republican leader. He did not consider him (in the period immediately preceding the January Uprising) a model to follow. The main reason of this negative assessment was Norwid’s concept of sacred history that presumes there must exist a relation between the history and sacrum. According to Norwid, Garibaldi’s armed struggle for the establishment of a modern nation state did not fit in the context of sacred history (by contrast, the peaceful manifestations on the streets of Warsaw in the years 1861-62 took an entirely different course). In particular, Garibaldi failed to appreciate the sacerdotal char-isma of the Rome’s ruler. But it was precisely this “Christian-Patriotism” on which the universal mission of the world capital (prefigured by pagan Rome) was based. Norwid, the author of the poem “Do władcy Rzymu” [To Rome’s ruler], was convinced that this vision of Rome rooted in sacred history would – in spite of temporary setbacks – ultimately triumph.
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Norwid, kolebka Ariów a Europa jako wielokulturowe „principium”

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van Nieukerken A.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
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2021
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vol. 69
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issue 1
27-50
EN
Norwid, who lived in exile in Paris, took a great interest in comparative mythology and historical linguistics, using a similar methodology for both. This article attempts to establish the sources of his own mythological and linguistic speculations. It turns out that he knew both the writings of the acknowledged authorities in this field who used a positivist methodology, and the Catholic dictionaries published by the Abbé Migne which aimed at reconciling the discoveries of positivist science with the Christian tradition. Norwid’s knowledge derived from both sources, although he felt a greater closeness to the perspective of the Catholic dictionaries (even though he did not blindly accept all their findings). The “archaic” (from a positivist perspective) roots of his mythological and linguistic speculation defended him, however, against the temptation to give in to a [pseudo-]scientific racial discourse. Here, his Christian universalism goes hand-in-hand with Renan’s agnostic universalism. The essential element of this universalism derived, in both cases, from an emphasis on the supranational value of traditions linked with the Old Testament and Judaism.
PL
W czasie swej emigracji w Paryżu Cyprian K. Norwid bardzo się interesował współczesną mu mitologią porównawczą, a także językoznawstwem historycznym, które również stosował jako metodę komparatystyczną. Artykuł próbuje ustalić źrodła jego własnych spekulacji mitologicznych i lingwistycznych. Okazuje się, że znane mu były zarówno ówczesne autorytety w tym zakresie (np. Ernest Renan, Max Müller, którzy posługiwali się metodologią pozytywistyczną), jak i zbiorowe opracowania encyklopedyczne wydane przez katolickiego duchownego, ojca J.P. Migne, które próbowały uzgodnić odkrycia nauki pozytywistycznej z tradycją chrześcijańską. Norwid zaczerpnął swą wiedzę z obu źródeł, choć perspektywa katolickich dykcjonarzy była mu bliższa (nie akceptował jednak bezkrytycznie wszystkich ich ustaleń). „Archaiczne” (z punktu widzenia nauki pozytywistycznej) korzenie jego spekulacji mitologicznych i językoznawczych broniły go jednak przed pokusą ulegania (pseudo)naukowemu dyskursowi rasowemu. Jego chrześcijański uniwersalizm spotyka się tu z agnostycznym uniwersalizmem Renana. W obu przypadkach istotnym elementem owego uniwersalizmu było podkreślanie ponadnarodowej wartości tradycji związanych ze Starym Testamentem i judaizmem.
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