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1
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Personalizm narodowy. Jednostka i naród w refleksji politycznej Ruchu Młodej Polski. Kilka uwag porządkujących

100%
Sikorski T.
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
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2011
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issue 1
71-88
DE
Die „Bewegung des Jungen Polens“, die im Jahre 1979 ins Leben gerufen wurde, gehörte der ideologisch kreativen politischen Opposition der Volksrepublik Polen an. Das Ziel dieses Artikels ist es, die determinierenden Faktoren der konservativen politischen Reflexion der „Bewegung des Jungen Polens“ in dem Zeitraum, als die beiden ideologisch- politischen, sich sehr ähnelnden Milieus in den Jahren 1979–1990 funktionierten, zu analisieren. In den Veröffentlichungen der beschriebenen Bewegung wurde der Überwältigung (Auslöschung) der im Einklang mit dem politischen Gedanken der II. Republik Polen stehenden Antinomie zwischen dem Volk und der Regierung ein besonderer Rang beigemessen. Man vertrat die Meinung, dass das Volk einen unentbehrlichen (moralisch-ethischen) Teil des Landes darstellt und das Bestehen eines unabhängigen Landes die Existenz des Volkes sicherstellt. Die Anerkennung des Volkes (der Gemeinschaft) als Grundkategorie würde die Notwendigkeit der Anstrengungen um ein unabhängiges Land (historische Heimat) nicht ausschließen. Die Frage der Volk-Staat-Beziehung war an das Verhältnis zur Macht und Politik gebunden. Die Politik wurde klassisch als die umsichtige Sorge um das Allgemeingut verstanden.
2

FROM THE REAL POLITICS MOVEMENT TO THE REAL POLICY PARTY. ON THE POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT OF THE 'STANCZYK' JOURNAL IN 1986-2004 (Od Ruchu Polityki Realnej do Stronnictwa Polityki Realnej. O ...zaangazowaniu pisma 'Stanczyk' w latach 1986-2004)

100%
Sikorski T.
Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)
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2008
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issue 22
71-104
EN
The article dwells on the political involvement of the Wroclaw-published 'Stanczyk' journal in 1986-2004. It presents two dimensions of involvement: metapolitical (ideological) and practical. The author emphasised the ideological evolution of the journal, pointing to its turning points. In its less than twenty-year history, 'Stanczyk' evolved from conservative-liberal to post-modernist ('a harbinger of the post-conservative era'). The ideological masters of 'Wrocław school of political thought' included various characters, reaching down to different traditions of political reflection, such as Stefan Kisielewski, Andrzej Walicki and Ernst Jünger, to mention but a few, together with other conservative revolutionists, or the 'Chicago Boys', with Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman at their forefront. Its authors formed an elite, compact, though not an ideologically coherent one. Their writings were pervaded by various threads, sometimes originating in the same ideas, sometimes entirely contradictory. In the political dimension, the 'Stanczyk' milieu inspired the changes within the Real Politics Union which led to an open split in the mid-90s. The split had multiple reasons, from the contest concerning the Union's leadership and ideological identity, to the political strategy of the conservative-liberals. In the end, however, the emergence of a new party, the Real Politics Party, upon the inspiration coming from the Wroclaw 'Stanczyk', did not mean a victory. In its entirety, it should be said that the 'Stanczyk' milieu was consistently more ideological than political and that no transparent and, at the same time, effective method of political action had been devised in the years when Poland was undergoing the transformation of its political and economic system. When seen from the perspective of the years gone by, balancing between a presence, even illusorical, within the RPU structures and building up structures of its own, was a political error. What was missing was a 'political sense', pragmatism and the skills necessary to build political coalitions. In conclusion, it may be said that the 'Stanczyk' milieu failed to achieve its political task. Effectiveness and political pragmatism gave way to an excessively bloated espousal of an ideology, supported by a sometimes very anachronic, or even onion-skin-thin axiology.
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Propagandowy obraz polskiego sportu w Polskiej Kronice Filmowej. Okres stalinizmu (1949 -1956)

100%
Sikorski T.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2018
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issue 4(369)
35-60
EN
The article deals with the propagandist image of Polish sport as presented in the Polish Film Chronicle (PFCh). The scope of the research field is determined by the time frame of the Stalinist period, that is the years from 1949 to 1956. The article consists of two parts. The first one presents institutional reorganisation of sport after the Second World War, the process of party- and government-driven ideological indoctrination through sport, and the place of sport in the propaganda machine (“engineering of souls”). The second part presents an analysis of PFCh’s sport-related materials produced between 1949 and 1956. Attention focuses on the ideological and propagandist aspects of sport and physical education, whereas artistic and aesthetic values of the documentaries are treated marginally. The article’s objective was to analyse the content of documentaries produced by the PFCh, treated as a tool and instrument of propaganda, and creating a falsified or distorted view of social reality, in this case, a broadly understood phenomenon of sport. The leading hypothesis is that sport in the Polish People’s Republic was subjected to a propagandist (ideological) pressure that resulted from subjugating it to the Marxist and Leninist doctrine and ideological and pragmatic objectives of the governing communist Polish United Workers’ Party. The following subsequent hypotheses are derived from considerations on close relations between sport, politics and ideology: 1) using visualisations, editing, camera work, script, directing, and verbal tools (stylistics – the language of commentary), the PFCh constructed a propagandist image of sport; 2) the PFCh promoted a party and government programme of popularising and endorsing sport and physical education; 3) the PFCh created an image, a model of “citizen sportsmen”, politically, ideologically and class-wise informed; 4) the PFCh promoted the thesis of the superiority of sport in people’s democracies (socialist countries) over the sport in western (capitalist) states; 5) within the context of sport, the PFCh endorsed the idea of solidarity and friendship with the USSR and “brotherly” nations. The article uses methods applied both in historical and political science research (or broadly speaking, in social sciences). The historical method (analysis and evaluation of sources) and systems analysis dominate. Comparative research was also applied to capture similarities between the Soviet sport model (the preferred model) and Polish experiences. In a broader perspective the research allowed to establish similarities and differences between social and political phenomena. The dominating research technique was the analysis and evaluation of sources (especially audiovisual ones) to reconstruct the phenomena within the research field and time frames.
4
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Tomasz Sikorski, Polski Savonarola. Pisma polityczne Kazimierza Studentowicza z lat wojny i okupacji, Dom Wydawniczy Duet, Toruń 2013, 678 s.

100%
Sikorski T., Hańderek M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2015
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issue 2(26)
238-258
5
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Proces odbudowy krajowego ruchu chrześcijańsko-demokratycznego u schyłku PRL (1986–1989)

100%
Sikorski T.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2017
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issue 30
203-226
EN
The article is an attempt at showing the reconstruction process of the Polish Christian Democratic movement and the decline of the Polish People’s Republic (1988–1989). The issue in question has not been previously studied by many researchers. They have usually focused on the history of the Stronnictwo Pracy, social Catholicism, the activity of various lay Catholic circles (usually licensed ones), and the structure of the Labour Party (Stronnictwo Pracy) among the emigrants. What is more, it should be stressed that most of such analyses dealt with the period between 1944/45 and 1956, and in rarer cases, the decades of Władysław Gomułka’s and Edward Gierek’s rule. The 1980s (particularly the late portion of the decade) still require detailed research. In a way, the present article consists of two parts. The former one synthetically presents attempts at reactivation of the Christian Democratic circles after October 1956 and initiatives aiming at the reconstruction of Christian Democratic circles. This led to the establishment of the Polish Catholic Social Union (PZKS), which the initiators (mainly Janusz Zabłocki) intended to provide as a foundation for the reconstruction of the Polish Christian Democratic movement. The author has presented the main directions of PZKS activity, internal disputes (in the fields of ideology, politics and tactics) and the achievement of the party with regard to broadly understood political thought. The latter part of the article, which should be regarded as the main (fundamental) one, analyses the reconstruction process of the Polish Christian Democratic circles itself. The activities of the Christian Democratic Club of Political Thought, which was supposed to provide infrastructure for the future Christian Democratic movement (with regard to programme, politics and organisation). The focus is also on the political thought of the Club, its achievements in the field of programme and strategy related to the political changes in the country (e.g. the Round Table talks, June elections of 1989). What was equally important was the relationship between the Club and other opposition circles and licensed groups of lay Catholics (e.g. PZKS, PAX Association, Christian Social Association). The article has been based primarily on source materials of various provenance. The role of academic studies has only been auxiliary.
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Arkadiusz Lewandowski, Akcja Wyborcza Solidarność. Centroprawica w poszukiwaniu modelu współpracy

100%
Sikorski T.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2018
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issue 1(144)
228–231
EN
The monograph is the fi rst attempt to comprehensively show the activity of the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS) — one of the most enduring and also the longest present on the Polish political scene (in the Third Republic) — center-right coalition. Although — ideologically — AWS was an eclectic group, it ruled for four years (initially in a coalition), constituting a political base for the Cabinet of Jerzy Buzek. By specifying the limits of the research fi eld, the author takes into account the whole range of political activities of political groups that created AWS, its program, strategy and political thought, and placed the analysis in the wider context of political reality, as well as party and political system. The author runs his deliberations from the beginning of the systemic transformation, sensibly and objectively examining the origins of AWS, until 2002, when the group actually ceased to exist. AWS created foundations for new political structures, including two leading parties: Civic Platform of the Republic of Poland and the Law and Justice.
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Rafał Łatka, Episkopat Polski wobec stosunków państwo–Kościół i rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej PRL 1970–1989

100%
Sikorski T.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2020
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issue 5(160)
237-250
EN
Rafał Łatka’s monograph is an analysis of relations between the state and the Church (1970–1989) from the perspective of the Episcopate. The author made a multifaceted analysis regarding not only the mechanisms of functioning of the Episcopate of Poland, the attitude to the process of normalization of relations between the state and the Church, but also referred to the most important socio-political problems in the discussed period (e.g., strikes in 1970; 1976; the birth of “Solidarity”; the attitude towards the democratic opposition, martial law, political transformation of 1988–1989). The role and position of the Episcopate in the years 1970–1989 was strong (and even increased during the “Solidarity” festival), despite the amplitude of changes in relations with the state (the communist regime of Edward Gierek and General Wojciech Jaruzelski). The Church systematically and consistently went beyond the scope of its pastoral ministry, tried to remain present in the political space, strove for the implementation of the most important demands arising from social teaching, demanded “the recovery of civil rights”, and made efforts to expand the area of freedom. The line of Primate Stefan Wyszyński, who enjoyed great authority and had charisma, was continued by his successor — Primate Józef Glemp, although different realities (after 1980) required corrections. After 1981, the Church (or rather the new Primate) tried to maintain an “equal distance” between the communist authorities and the opposition (an attempt to reach a settlement — a social agreement between three entities: State/Party — “Solidarity” — the Church). In 1988–1989, the Episcopate joined the process of political transformation (“regulated revolution”), becoming one of the architects of the “round table” agreement.
8
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Referendum akcesyjne oraz wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w Szczecinie na tle Pomorza Zachodniego i Ziemi Lubuskiej w latach 2003–2014. Preferencje wyborcze mieszkańców regionów zachodniopomorskiego i lubuskiego (Piotr Chrobak)

100%
Sikorski T.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2019
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issue 3(152)
159–164
EN
The reviewed monograph is a political analysis of the EU accession referendum and elections to the European Parliament in the Zachodniopomorskie and Lubuskie voivodeships as well as electoral preferences of the inhabitants of this region. A wide range of sources was used in the research: local press, printed institutional documents, political party programs, election committees, legal acts, internet sources as well as reports and interviews. The author of the reviewed book was interested not only in the course of the referendum campaigns, but also in their preparation, electoral staff work, electoral strategies of individual committees, and finally final results and their analysis. Key conclusions: (1) The inhabitants of Szczecin (including the entire electoral district no. 13) show permanent political preferences during particular elections to the European Parliament. Consistently, solid support is maintained by three parties: PO, PiS and SLD. (2) The electoral committees that support Poland’s membership of the EU enjoy the greatest support in the surveyed region, although it should be noted that the dividing line runs between euroenthusiasts (PO and SLD) and eurorealists (PiS). (3) The election turnout in the next European Parliament elections in the studied area is consistently low and barely exceeds 20%, which proves the residents’ little interest in this type of election, and indirectly in European affairs.
9
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Adam Andrzej Urbanowicz, Uspołecznienie własności i wizja nowego ładu gospodarczego w polskiej myśli socjalistycznej (1918–1939), Gorzów Wielkopolski 2013, ss. 370

100%
Sikorski T.
Historia i Polityka
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2017
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issue 21(28)
101-108
XX
recenzja
10
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Karykatura polityczna jako źródło do badań nad historią Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej. Postulaty badawcze

100%
Sikorski T.
Historia i Polityka
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2009
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issue 1(8)
63-81
EN
In this article author presents his research (methodological) suggestions concerning the political caricature, considered as the source materiał for the research on the history of the Second Polish Republic. It is hard to overvalue the role of cari­cature as an iconographic and visual source. Caricature teaches, warns, amuses, but also creates a catalogue of typical behavior. Itcan become a weapon in political fight. The author has indicated the following functions of caricature: entertaining, sociological, creatingand organizingthe socio-political reality, psychological and communicative. Every researcher is entitled to presenthis own methodological proposals. In author’s opinion, a number of elements can be distinguished in the research on cari­cature. At first, the sender of the information should be defined - "who speaks?” Secondly, the researcher has to answer the question "what?” and "when?” the caricature says (the content of the information). Thirdly, the ąuestion "who does it speak to?” (the receiver of the information) should be asked. The last essential ąuestion to be answered is: "Whatis the result?” (the outcome of this communication process). The issues addressed in Polish political caricatures in the period of the Second Polish Republic, presented a very broad spectrum, ranging from the current domestic policy to the International affairs. We are still waiting for the in-depth and complex analysis of the Polish political caricature (1918-1939).
11
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Aktywność narodowo-niepodległościowa Jana Gwalberta Pawlikowskiego (do 1921 roku)

63%
Sikorski T., Wątor A.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2018
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issue 31
262-279
EN
This article is the first in Polish historiography to attempt to show the political activity of Jan Gwalbert Pawlikowski. Pawlikowski was a member of the Galician intellectual elite. He was a well-known economist, columnist, literary historian, cultural patron, climber, pioneer of nature conservation, but also a politician. Throughout his life he was consistently associated with the movement of the National Democracy as many associations, organizations and banks (e.g. Galician Economic Association, Land Reclamation Bank, Parcel Bank, Agricultural Wheel Association, Organization of National Unity, Society Poland). He sat on the Central Committee The National League, co-organized the National Democratic Party in Galicia (in the years 1907–1914 he was the president), sat in the General Council of the People’s and National Union. He participated directly in the most important political events in Eastern Galicia, and after 1918 he became actively involved in public activity in 2nd Polish Republic.
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