The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the effects of the Polish accession to the European Union in a wider context of international relations and in the context of the changes that have taken place in the Union in the past decade. So we are dealing here with a specific balance of successes and failures, which Poland suffered during the years 2004–2014. This article shows that after twenty-five years since the beginning of political transformation in Poland, and ten years after the accession to the European Union, there is no doubt that our membership in this specific, integrated voluntary association of sovereign states in Europe was necessary and inevitable. It is also the main thesis of this article. It was the only right solution for Poland, which was due to its geopolitical position and historical experience. Despite earlier fears, it did not hurt our sovereignty and national identity. The author states that membership in the European Union strengthened Polish sovereignty and thrive Polish raison d’etat. It has a positive impact on its development.
PL
Celem tego artykułu jest próba pokazania skutków akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej na szerszym tle stosunków międzynarodowych i w kontekście zmian, które miały miejsce w Unii w minionym dziesięcioleciu. Mamy więc tutaj do czynienia ze swoistym bilansem sukcesów i porażek, których doznała Polska w latach 2004–2014. Niniejszy artykuł pokazuje, że po dwudziestu pięciu latach od rozpoczęcia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce i dziesięciu latach od akcesji do Unii Europejskiej nie ulega wątpliwości, że nasze członkostwo w tym specyficznym, dobrowolnie zintegrowanym związku suwerennych państw Europy było konieczne i nieuniknione. Jest to zarazem główna teza niniejszego artykułu. Było to jedyne, właściwe rozwiązanie dla Polski, które wynikało z jej geopolitycznego położenia i historycznych doświadczeń. Wbrew wcześniejszym obawom, nie zaszkodziło naszej suwerenności i tożsamości narodowej. Autor podkreśla, że członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej wzmocniło suwerenność Polski oraz dobrze służy polskiej racji stanu. Wpływa pozytywnie na rozwój gospodarczy Polski oraz umacnia jej prestiż na arenie międzynarodowej.
The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia.
There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of ‘eternal peace,’ which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.
This article is devoted to the position of the European Union authorities and its main bodies on the reforms necessary for the Union to become a driving force in the further process of European integration. Its aim is to analyze the current EU condition and outline the prospects for its development. The main bodies of the Union, inter alia The Commission and the European Parliament and the European Council have in recent years reported a wide range of EU ‘recovery’ strategies and proposals but few have been implemented. The European Union is still drifting and losing its authority on the international scene, and European integration is in decline. In this study, I put a few theses, hypotheses and research questions to which I am trying to give comprehensive answers. One of these also concerns the great enlargement of the EU in 2004, and the other one introducing the single currency – the euro.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest stanowisku władz Unii Europejskiej i jej głównych organów w sprawie koniecznych dla Unii reform, które są niezbędne, aby stała się ona siłą motoryczną w dalszym procesie integracji Europy. Jego celem jest analiza obecnej kondycji UE i zarysowanie perspektyw jej rozwoju. Główne organy Unii, m.in. Komisja i Parlament Europejski oraz Rada Europejska w ostatnich latach zgłosiły wiele różnych strategii i propozycji „naprawy” UE, ale niewiele z nich zostało wprowadzonych w życie. Unia Europejska wciąż dryfuje i traci swój autorytet na arenie międzynarodowej, a integracja Europy przeżywa regres. W opracowaniu tym stawiam kilka tez, hipotez i pytań badawczych, na które próbuję udzielić w miarę wyczerpujących odpowiedzi. Jedna z tych tez dotyczy wielkiego rozszerzenia UE w 2004 roku, a druga wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty – euro.
Seemingly the European Union topic, globalisation and new international order issues have received enough attention, with scores of books published on the subject, innumerable conferences and seminars held, both in Poland as well as in countries all over the world, Western Europe in particular. Despite all that, many questions bothering academics and politicians remained unanswered, not to mention ordinary people in EU member states and countries aspiring to the Union membership. Still no one knows in what direction the changes should proceed, in relation to the European Union as well as the rest of the world, commonly referred to as globalisation or economic globalisation processes. We still do not know the future shape of Europe or the world. It is unknown to us what the new international order will look like, what main centres of power will develop, responsible for worldwide harmony, security, and peace. For that very reason the European Union idea, globalisation and integration processes have as many supporters as adversaries. What’s more, those who until recently were the enthusiasts of globalisation, are saying today, like the Noble laureate Joseph E. Stiglitz, that the way “in which globalisation is conducted, (…) should be thoroughly well-thought-out again”. At the same time we observe the renaissance of all kind of nationalisms and attempts to glorify the concept of an ethnic state, as a counterweight to commonwealth and above-national structures. It appears that the ideas that once united Europe, peace and prosperity, are not sufficient today.
Modernisation of the European Union or just another modifi cation? Such a dilemma appears regularly during all inter-governmental conferences, specially before and after approving another revision treaty for the European Union. To answer such a question, fi rst the essence and meaning of these terms has to be explained, and to do so, the best option is to refer to their etymology. And so, according to the PWN “Dictionary of Foreign Words”, ‘modification’ »latin modification = measuring« is a change, transformation, remake; a modifi ed object, while ‘modernisation’ »fr. moderne = modern« is making something modern or making something contemporary’. Therefore, modernisation shall mean a broader and deeper process, these are actions leading to radical transformations and changes as compared to modifi cation, which usually precedes modernisation. It may then be said that as far as the European Union is concerned, commencing from its origination by the Maastricht treaty of 7th February 1992 till the latest revision treaty, i.e. the Lisbon treaty which became eff ective on 1st December 2009, we only witnessed its successive (permanent) modifi cation, that is slow transformations which were generally named extension and enhancement processes. Today, after nearly twenty years of remakes and use, the European Union needs not only a radical overhaul but rather modernisation, meaning its update and adapting to contemporary times. Today, the European Union requires adaptation to challenges and requirements of the 21st century determined by acceleration and globalisation progressing within all spheres of life.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza przesłanek wewnętrznych i międzynarodowych upadku Związku Radzieckiego oraz jego skutków dla Polski i jej miejsca w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Ukazuje on zmiany geopolityczne, które dokonały się wówczas w Europie i na świecie oraz ich wpływ na reorientację polityki zagranicznej Polski na przełomie XX i XXI wieku. W artykule staram się odpowiedzieć na kilka pytań oraz weryfikuję kilka tez i hipotez związanych z upadkiem ZSRR. Główną tezą jest konstatacja, że do upadku Związku Radzieckiego oprócz przyczyn wewnętrznych w dużym stopniu przyczyniła się ówczesna sytuacja międzynarodowa w Europie i na świecie, w tym “jesień ludów 1989” w państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Przeprowadzona analiza pokazuje, że upadek Związku Radzieckiego miał pozytywne znaczenie dla Europy, świata i Polski oraz jej polityki zagranicznej. Przyczynił się do zakończenia zimnej wojny, upadku ładu jałtańsko-poczdamskiego i rozpoczęcia budowy nowego porządku międzynarodowego. Polityka zagraniczna Polski po upadku ZSRR była zgodna z polską racją stanu i miała istotne znaczenie dla Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Została oparta na systemie euroatlantyckim i bliskich relacjach z Niemcami, Francją, Wielką Brytanią, Stanami Zjednoczonymi oraz z państwami Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Przy pisaniu artykułu wykorzystałem teorię realizmu klasycznego, teorię polityki zagranicznej państwa i teorię konstruktywizmu oraz takie metody badawcze jak opis i krytyczną analizę dokumentów i literatury przedmiotu. Bazę źródłową stanowią polsko- i obcojęzyczne dokumenty publikowane, prace zwarte, artykuły i studia oraz informacje z prasy Internetu
EN
The paper is aimed at analysing the domestic and international determinants of the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the consequences for Europe, the world and Poland, as well as its place in Central and Eastern Europe. It demonstrates geopolitical changes that took place in Europe and the world, as well as their effects on the reorientation of Poland’s foreign policy at the turn of the 21st century. In the article, the author attempts to answer a few questions and verify several theses and hypotheses related to the reasons and effects of the collapse of the USSR. The key thesis is that the fall of the Soviet Union was provoked not only by the internal factors but also to a great extent by the international situation in Europe and the world, including the Revolutions of 1989 in the states of Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis shows that the collapse of the Soviet Union has had a positive impact on Europe, the world, Poland, and its foreign policy. It contributed to the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam order, and the creation of a new international order. After the fall of the USSR, Poland’s foreign policy was consistent with the Polish raison d’état and was of great importance for Central and Eastern Europe. It was based on the Euro-Atlantic system and close relations with Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In the article, the author refers to classical realism, the theory of foreign policy, and constructivism and applies the following research methods: description and critical analysis of documents and literature on the subject. The source base comprises Polish and foreign published documents, monographs, articles and studies, and press releases.
The paper is devoted to one of the oldest and major organs of the European Union, namely the European Parliament. It presents the origin and development of this institution dating back to the first European Communities i.e. European Coal and Steel Community of 1952 and the European Economic Community of 1957. The author describes the prerogatives of the Parliament acquired progressively together with the development of the European Communities and the EU, its members and structure and the organization of work. A lot of emphasis is put on the role of the European Parliament in the integration process and building the united Europe. The paper also contains a lot of Polish aspects e.g. it describes the Polish road to the EU and the European Parliament and the course and results of the election to this EU institution in June 2004 when Poles (for the first time in history) elected their members of the European Parliament. The author also attempts to present the perspectives of the European Parliament in the enlarging European Union stressing the fact that before it is possible a new vision of the EU and the uniting Europe has to be worked out, the vision which does not seem to be easy to achieve. The concept like this is still non-existent and the author doubts that we can soon expect its creation.
This article addresses the arguments in an article in the quarterly Polish Sociological Review, no. 1(193)2016, entitled ‘The Rocky Road of Europeanization in the New Member States: From Democracy to a Second Try at Democratization’ by Attila Ágh, a Hungarian political scientist. In my opinion, Ágh’s interesting article, which looks at political transformation processes, Europeanization, and democratization in new member states of the European Union (i.e., Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia), has certain methodological and factual deficiencies. Moreover, it contains numerous ideas that I believe are debatable and require further empirical research.
The article attempts to present the social, political and economic effects of the Polish accession to the so-called Euroland and the introduction of the euro. The author asks many research questions and proposes some theses that stimulate reflection, e.g. he writes that the substitution of the national currency by the European Union’s one is connected with the delegation of some authority reserved for a sovereign state to a supranational level. And this must arouse some fears or even meet with opposition from some political parties, especially the right-wing and populist ones and a part of the society. According to the author, it is – however – a result of bringing politics into the matter and ignorance or even conscious disinformation about the effects of the adoption of the euro. The examples of other countries that have already introduced the euro show that it has not had a negative impact on their sovereignty and national identity.
The present article aims to answer a question whether the European Union needs another modification or rather its modernization is indispensable. The author proves that the European Union urgently needs modernization, i.e. updating its political system, decision making-process as well as domestic and foreign policy, but this must be wise, deliberate, well prepared and implemented consistently. The author highlights that the European Union cannot repeat Gorbachev’s or Putin’s mistakes, and the modernization cannot end with its erosion and decomposition because the consequences would be disastrous for Europe and the whole world. The main thesis of the article is a statement that, in order to modernize, the European Union urgently needs new axiology, more democracy and new visionaries, new type of leaders, moral and political authorities, idealistic people committed to this modernization. Obviously, as J.M. Fiszer highlights, the European Union also needs new reforms and new strategies with the citizens and their problems in the center of interest. The author writes that the European Union and Europe in general should offer the world its identity and take active part in the process of building a new multi-polar international system.
State’s sovereignty is its extraordinary value and also an international legal characteristic feature that distinguishes it from other states because it proves its independence. A sovereign state is one that carries out its own unlimited internal and foreign policy, except for limitations made by law and international treaties. However, the cultural identity, which is an essential part of national identity, is the second most important designatum of state, i.e. what distinguishes it from other nations and states. In the past, e.g. during the 123 years of the Partitions of Poland the invaders not only deprived our country of its sovereignty but also made attempts to deprive it of its cultural identity, i.e. to eliminate the use of the mother tongue via Germanization and Russification of the Polish nation and to deprive it of any national cultural achievements, including religion. The present article is an attempt to show the influence of the Polish membership to the European Union on our national sovereignty and cultural identity. The author asks many interesting questions, proposes theses and hypotheses and tries to show that our – voluntary – accession to the European Union was necessary and inevitable and strengthens our state’s sovereignty, serves the Polish reason of state and poses no threat to the cultural identity of Poland. Moreover, the author proves a thesis that, after the accession of Poland to the European Union, Poland not only gained new opportunities of political and economic co-operation, but also possibilities to participate in various cultural programs and use funds for the protection of spiritual and material goods of the national culture, and in this way to strengthen Polish cultural identity and national sovereignty.
The European Parliament is one of the major and most important organs of the European Union and Communities and its role and participation in those institutions’ decision-making process increases systematically, simultaneously with every successive reforming treaty entering into force. The present article is an attempt to present the European Parliament after the latest great events in the European Union, i.e. the election of June 2009 and 1 December 2009, when the Treaty of Lisbon came into force. The author attempts to answer numerous questions that are asked in connection with the last European election and the Treaty of Lisbon. He tries to show how this election and the Treaty of Lisbon changed the image of the European Parliament and strengthened its competence. He proposes many interesting theses, including one that the European election of 2009 together with the treaty of Lisbon are a turning point not only in the history of the European Parliament but also the history of the European integration and its effect: the European Union. In the article, there are many references to Poland and its experiences after the accession to the European Union in 2004 and in the European Parliament. The author proves that today the Poles are satisfied with the European Union membership and feel more confident in the European Parliament and in all the European Union salons.
The aim of the article is to make a synthetic presentation of the first five years of Polish membership in the European Union. The author is aware of the fact that drawing up such a balance is not an easy task. It will take a long time before a full and in-depth analysis of the results of our accession to the European Union and its objective assessment is possible. Despite that, it can be stated even today that in general there is an active balance for Poland and the Polish society. Having carried out a comparative analysis of the phenomena and processes resulting from the Polish accession to the EU, the author shows that its effects are generally positive in all spheres of life. Due to that, Poland is included in the group of the biggest and most influential countries of the European Union and the world. The author argues that from the perspective of the last five years it is clear that the Polish accession to the EU was one of the most important events in the Polish history, especially in the history of the twentieth century. The accession accelerated political transformation in Poland and transformed the political, social and economic identity of Poland as well as its geostrategic position.
In this paper an attempt has been made to show the essence and the role of knowledge for the development of national economy in the context of globalization and integration, with particular focus on Poland. Knowledge – in its broad meaning – and especially science and technology have always decided about the economic development of various countries and about the conditions of existence of their respective nations. At the same time, the pace of economic development has been one of the main factors having influence on economic, social and political independence and sovereignty as well as security of every country and its position on the international stage. On the other hand, ensuring economic and civilization development and internal peace is a duty of each state and its authorities also nowadays, in the context of globalization and integration. The author has made an attempt to answer numerous questions concerning globalization and its impact on national economy and, in general, on the situation and future of national states. Among others, a question has been put whether globalization and integration pose a threat to national economy or, vice versa, whether they contribute to their development, imposing a necessity to introduce organizational, modernization, ecc. changes in economic policies of these states. There are several theories concerning the image of national economy at the end of the globalization process. However, no answer has been given yet to the question whether complete globalization – i.e. globalization with no economic borders, without “global government” and without a single currency for the whole world – is at all possible. There is no doubt, however, that the scale of the impact of globalization and integration on the development and functioning of national states and their economies will increase continually. In result, the future of many states and their economies, including Poland, will change considerably. We need to prepare ourselves carefully so that this change can be positive. Poland as well as the whole European Union have to race with the world and not to run on the spot, fearing globalization. First of all, economic policy should favour scientific research, education of infrastructure development (telecommunications, the Internet, transport, ecc.) We have to develop modern economy based on knowledge and new technologies. If we fail to do it soon, we will waste one of the chances, rare in our history, to shorten the distance which separates us from the developed countries in Europe and in the world. Looking into the future, we can make a hypothesis that the Polish economy will be able to quickly go through another transformation and achieve a modern economy, based mainly on such services which contribute to the creation and spreading knowledge, technology and information, but also culture. Otherwise, Poland could be pushed to a marginal position. Transformation will be quick because we must first complete restructuring of our industry and agriculture. This does not mean that industrial or agricultural activity should disappear. To the contrary: we mean here the key links, that is creating technologies of manufacture and design and – in my opinion – essential in the future – technologies of security management as well as management of stability of information flow and material service carriers.
THERE IS NO doubt, that all over history national currency has always been and is still considered as one of the basic attributes of national independence, while a Member State entering the so called „Euroland Group” can be seen as a further step in the process of transfer of the State competence from the national to super-national level. This is apt to provoke, as shown by the experience of seventeen countries who have accepted Euro, protests from a proportion of political parties as well as of public opinion. However, this should be rather attached to disinformation or low level of knowledge than seen as real social or political threats. This paper is an attempt to show social and political effects, which might stem from Poland accessing the Euro zone and introducing common EU currency, while its main position is that the act of Poland’s entering the Euroland Group and the question of introduction of Euro currency are not only of economic, but mainly of social and political consequence. What is more, the Author is convinced that the content related dispute somehow becomes captured by political arguments related to Euro and to replacement of Polish Zloty by this currency. This should be considered as a reprehensibly misleading behavior, for the system of super-national currency is – according to Maastricht Treaty – not reducing the State independence range, but rather presenting the State, its administration and representative institutions with a challenge to cope with two basic paradigm objects: sound monetary system and stable financial and economy system.
After the parliamentary elections in June 1989 and the beginning of the political and systemic transformations, Poland made efforts to join the Euro-Atlantic partnership, culminating in the accession to NATO and the European Union. However, Poland had to overcome many barriers, including overcoming Russia’s opposition and gaining the support of the United States and Germany, which, despite politicians’ declarations and promises, in practice was not so enthusiastic and unambiguous. The article shows Russia’s negative stance and Germany’s attitude toward Poland’s efforts to join NATO in 1989–1999.
PL
Po wyborach parlamentarnych w czerwcu 1989 r. i rozpoczęciu transformacji ustrojowej Polska podjęła starania o członkostwo w strukturach euroatlantyckich, które uwieńczone zostały akcesją do NATO i Unii Europejskiej. Polska musiała jednak pokonać wiele barier, w tym przezwyciężyć sprzeciw Rosji i uzyskać wsparcie Stanów Zjednoczonych i Niemiec, które wbrew deklaracjom i obietnicom polityków w praktyce nie były tak entuzjastycznie i jednoznacznie nastawione. Artykuł ukazuje negatywne stanowisko Rosji i postawę Niemiec wobec starań Polski w latach 1989–1999 o członkostwo w NATO.
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