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PL
Celem artykułu jest zbadanie, jak dalece preferencje Niemiec – najsilniejszej gospodarki strefy euro – znajdują odzwierciedlenie w kształcie instytucji fiskalnych na poziomie integracyjnym. W tym celu zostały przeanalizowane reguły dotyczące forsowanej orientacji polityki fiskalnej (stabilność vs wspieranie gospodarki) oraz sposobu ich egzekwowania (automatyczny vs elastyczny). Z analizy wynika, że preferencje RFN znajdują tylko częściowe odzwierciedlenie w rozwiązaniach instytucjonalnych strefy. O ile kryteria stabilności są rzeczywiście zorientowane na dyscyplinę, o tyle sposób ich przeforsowania nie ma charakteru automatycznego: pozostawia sporo przestrzeni interpretacyjnej, jest też wyraźnie upolityczniony. Powyższe okoliczności mogą przynajmniej w części wyjaśniać ostrożność Niemiec wobec pogłębienia strefy euro.
EN
The aim of the article is to examine how far the preferences of Germany – the strongest economy in the euro area – are reflected in the shape of fiscal institutions at the integration level. Having this in mind, the author analysed the rules related to the forced orientation of the fiscal policy (stability vs supporting the economy) as well as the way of enforcement thereof (automatic vs flexible). The analysis shows that the FRG preferences are only partly reflected in the institutional resolutions of the area. If the stability criteria are really oriented on discipline, then the way of enforcement thereof is not automatic: it leaves quite a big room for interpretation and is also clearly politicized. The abovespecified circumstances may at least partly explain the Germany’s caution about the deepening of the euro area.
EN
In the last few years, the division of the EU between Member States inside and outside the eurozone has begun to stabilise. Those that intended to adopt the single currency as early as possible have done so and the others either did not wish to join the eurozone or could not do so quickly. This stability was supported by several factors, in particular the economic weakness of the eurozone, the relatively high political and economic weight of countries on the outside (which guaranteed) their influence in the EU, and the general stagnation of EU integration processes. However, it is becoming clear that by 2017, these factors are becoming less influential, which may translate into a change in the relationship between Member States inside the eurozone and those outside. Neither a new enlargement dynamic of the single currency area nor a deepening of divisions in the EU can be ruled out.
EN
Several months ago the European Union and the United States started negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The agreement would lead to an integrated economic area between the parties. The talks, however, have been more difficult than anticipated. Germany is increasingly critical of TTIP, even though theoretically it would be among the partnership’s biggest beneficiaries. The article attempts to explain the scepticism of Germany, focusing on economic arguments and in particular its specific approach to economic growth and competition mechanism.
EN
Around the middle of the current decade the EU’s division into the euro zone and states outside it has begun to consolidate. The states that had intended to join the zone have already done so, while the remaining ones are either not interested in joining or unable to make swift access. This situation now seems to have stabilised due to several factors, in particular the economic weakness of the euro area, the relatively high political and economic significance of countries outside the zone and hence their considerable influence on the EU, and the general stagnation of integration processes. However, it is becoming clearer in 2017 that the role of the above factors is dwindling, and this might transform relations between the euro area and the remaining Member States. Consequently, more dynamic enlargement of the single currency area and deeper divisions within the Union cannot be ruled out.
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