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Większość źródłem prawdy o dobru?

100%
Andryszczak P.
Analecta Cracoviensia
|
2018
|
vol. 50
EN
The goal of politics is to establish the right legal order. Today according to a very influential standpoint its sources are to be found in opinions dominating in the majority of citizens. The basic principle for people making laws is the will of the majority. This approach is attractive but also contains a serious error. The author critically analyses this position and then gives a solution which goes beyond the interplay of the majority and the minority.
PL
W naszych czasach polityka, dążąc do zbudowania państwa prawa, sięga często do opinii dominujących wśród większości obywateli. Źródłem prawa jest wtedy wola większości. Takie stanowisko, choć atrakcyjne, zawiera poważny błąd. W artykule został on krytycznie zanalizowany, a następnie zaproponowano rozwiązanie nieuwikłane w grę między większością a mniejszością.
2

The Political Meaning of the Right and the Privatization of the Good

100%
Andryszczak P.
E-Theologos. Theological revue of Greek Catholic Theological Faculty
|
2011
|
vol. 2
|
issue 1
15-25
EN
In today's philosophical and political world we come across an influential current within liberalism called procedural. It faces the problem of building a just society by proposing a formula: the priority of the right over the good. It can be easily found in Rawls's A Theory of Justice which starts from the original position which means that individuals, behind the veil of ignorance, do not know anything about their social location, talents and their own conceptions of the good. Because of such ignorance they would constitute the just society. It would be regulated by two principles of justice, chosen behind the veil of ignorance and reflecting the priority of the right over the good. Nevertheless Rawls understood that this conception could be accepted only by Liberals because it represents an example of a comprehensive doctrine. Therefore he reinterpreted his conception and presented it as political in his Political Liberalism. It has three features: it is worked out for the basic structure of a constitutional democratic regime; it does not depend for its justification on any particular comprehensive doctrine; and, it is formulated in terms of two fundamental ideas implicit in the public culture of a democratic society (the ideas of society as a fair system of cooperation, and of persons viewed as free and equal). Due to this reinterpretation, the justification of his principles of justice proceeds from what is held in common and leads to an agreement based on "an overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines". In this way the good becomes something strictly private and completely absent in the public sphere. Such position is obviously very controversial but a critical approach to it will be a subject of another paper.
3
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Sprawiedliwy porządek wolnych ludzi

100%
Andryszczak P.
Logos i Ethos
|
2020
|
vol. 53
|
issue 1
195-208
EN
The fundamental problem of social and political philosophy is: how, organizing collective life, can we reconcile justice with freedom? Within liberalism there is a dispute in which some are in favor of state interventionism and others defend market economy. This dispute is placed in the context of three today important approaches to justice and then we present our own, inspired by Christianity, position.
PL
Podstawowym problemem filozofii społecznej i politycznej jest to, jak organizując życie zbiorowe, pogodzić sprawiedliwość z wolnością. W obrębie liberalizmu toczy się o to spór, w którym jedni opowiadają się za interwencjonizmem państwowym, a inni bronią idei wolnorynkowych. Debatę tę umieszczamy w szerszym kontekście wyznaczonym przez trzy ważne współcześnie sposoby myślenia o sprawiedliwości, a następnie przedstawiamy własne inspirowane chrześcijaństwem, stanowisko.
4
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Teoria porządku spontanicznego Friedricha A. von Hayeka

100%
Andryszczak P.
|
2013
|
vol. 11
|
issue 1(20)
187-203
EN
There are two different traditions of thinking about social and political life which are represented by the concepts of taxis and kosmos. According to the first of them we should trust in the human mind because it can design and put in practice a suitable social order. Conversely, in the opinion of the latter tradition, we should appreciate that a spontaneous order comes into existence as a result of free decisions of particular individuals who are not realizing any general plan. Hayek belongs to this tradition, pointing out the beneficent effects of voluntary cooperation. The individuals take part in what they cannot design and make happen, but thanks to their free participation they build a good society and a just state. Hayek’s position shows a naïve faith in the power of spontaneous human activity because people can choose also, in the voluntaristic paradigm, slavery. Because of this propensity of spontaneous human activity, it is incumbent upon political authority, for the common good and more equality, to restrict an excessive freedom. In the way proposed by Hayek, what in fact comes into existence is a welfare state, a state which spouts the slogans of social justice, a state which in Hayek’s own opinion, is actually an instrument of serfdom.
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