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PL
Konflikt i przemoc są obecne w literaturze nauk o polityce już od dawna. Do grona postaci, które się tymi fenomenami zajmowały zaliczyć należy również Chantal Mouffe oraz Carla Schmitta. W ramach artykułu przedstawione zostały koncepcje polityki autorstwa Mouffe i Schmitta oparte na istnieniu relacji wróg-przyjaciel. Autor tekstu skupia się na różnicach pomiędzy omawianymi wizjami polityki ale także określa podobieństwa, które zbliżają propozycje obu autorów. Punktem wyjścia dla obu koncepcji jest krytyka liberalizmu i procesu „depolityzacji” jaki nastąpił w XX wieku. Główne różnice pomiędzy opisywanymi teoriami można sprowadzić do dwóch określeń: antagonizmu i agonizmu. Antagonizm Carla Schmitta uznaje, że wróg może zostać zniszczony, agonizm Mouffe jest z kolei bardziej umiarkowany. Mouffe akceptuje zjawisko konfliktu w demokracji z zastrzeżeniem, że jest on wyrazem rywalizacji pomiędzy adwersarzami nie zaś wojną pomiędzy wrogami. Obie koncepcje polityki uznają jednak konflikt za naturalny element polityki.
EN
Conflict and violence have been present in the political science literature for a long period of time. Chantal Mouffe and Carl Schmitt are the philosophers who were especially considering this issue in their works. The aim of this paper is to describe Chantal Mouffe’s and Carl Schmitt’s political concepts which were based on the specific relation of an enemy and a friend. The author of this article focuses on the similarities and differences between both visions of politics. The main differences between the theory of Carl Schmitt and that of Chantal Mouffe can be summarized in two watchwords: antagonism and agonism. Where Schmitt’s antagonism concedes that enemy can be destroyed, there Mouffe’s agonism is much more moderate. Mouffe accepts the phenomenon of conflict in democracy but regards it rather as competition between adversaries than war between enemies. Nevertheless, both political concepts recognize that conflict is an inevitable part of politics.
EN
The aim of this article is to present and analyse the concepts of international security by Polish right-wing parties in the 1990s. Poland right in many aspects has expressed similar views on the international relations. Universal consensus were concerning the European integration, accession to NATO, and close cooperation with the United States.
EN
The article considers the phenomenon of one of the most intellectually active, anticommunist opposition group in Poland. The Young Poland Movement organiza- tion was established in 1979 and ended its activity after ten years. Furthermore, the magazine "Bratniak” constituted the main press measure in presenting the ideas of its members. The author presents the peculiarity of creating the Young Poland Movement, es- pecially the significance of the group connected with magazine "Bratniak”. Moreover, the author analyses the ideological declaration of Young Poland Movementand out-lines principal values acknowledged by the group. The article also emphasizes the importance of obstacles thatthe group was facing during the political transformation in Poland. The finał outcome of the events at the turn of the 1989 and 1990 was particularly visible in termination of Young Poland Movement activity. In order to such occurrence its members joined various political groups. Itcould be caused by two differentviews of political action, thatwere noticeable among the Young Poland Movement members.
EN
The authors of the article analysed the information provided in the Sejm by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs on current foreign policy in 2012–2019. The authors’ efforts were mainly focused on fragments of speeches dedicated to the European Union, fundamental for conducting a long-term, strategic Polish policy within the EU. The authors considered the following as such problems: plans for the role of Poland in the EU and its future political shape, as well as the resulting security policy, especially when it comes to energetic security, which is important from the point of view of Poland’s sovereignty, as well as the common EU policy. Content analysis (both qualitative and quantitative) and a comparative technique, which was used to determine similarities and differences in the analysed materials, were chosen as the research method. The hypothesis formulated assumed that the approach to relations with the EU presented by the PO-PSL coalition, and then the United Right, differed significantly because it was based on a different paradigm. In the recommendations of the PO-PSL we can see references to the liberal/neoliberal theory, while in the recommendations of the United Right we can see references to the realism/neorealism theory.
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