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Lewicowość i socjalizm w doktrynie narodowego socjalizmu

100%
Bankowicz M.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
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2011
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vol. 33
341–354
EN
The article presents and substantiates a thesis that socialism — beside nationalism and racism — constituted one of the doctrinal-and political pillars of German National Socialism and of the political doctrine of Adolf Hitler. National Socialism, however, represented a peculiar version of socialism that did not fit into the internationalist tradition of class socialism. National Socialism replaced the idea of class struggle with the notion of racial struggle, put racial revolution in the place of proletarian one and identified the creation of the perfect national community of the “master race” the destiny of which is to rule the world — and not the establishment of the perfect egalitarian system which is the destiny of all mankind — as an ultimate objective. Nevertheless, National Socialism has many things in common with the main branch of socialism, including revolutionary approach, criticism of capitalism and democracy, dictatorial conception of political power, the idea of the guiding role of a party and the affirmation of force and violence as legitimate instruments of achieving political objectives.
2
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Muammar Kaddafi: arabski lider czarnej Afryki?

100%
Bankowicz M.
Forum Politologiczne
|
2008
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vol. 7 - Przywódcy i przywództwo we współczesnej Afryce
199-222
EN
Muammar al-Qaddafi, long standing and very eccentric dictator of Libya, have been born in 1942. During the school period he became a fervent follower of Egyptian revolutionary president Ga- mal Abdul Nasser. In 1963 Qaddafi enrolled in the Military Academy in Benghazi. On 1 September 1969 Qaddafi and his radical Pan-Arab movement called the Free Unionist Officers deposed King Idris I in almost bloodless coup. At the age of 27 he became a leader of the state. After seizing power, Qaddafi announced that among his major goals are: removal of foreign military bases, international neutrality of Libya, national unity, Arab unity and suppression of political parties. Declaring that "representation is fraud", Qaddafi proposed that he would bring to Libya a pure form of democracy. Inspired by China's Cultural Revolution and ideas of Mao Zedong, he created an enigmatic system of "popular committees" which have to had perfect mixture of Islam and socialism. Between 1971 and 1980 Libyan leader made repeated abortive attempts to unite country with various Arab states. Later he declared that Libya is "above all an African country" and became a great adherent of the African unity. By years Qaddafi was treated as a protector of various terrorist organizations and in final has broken off these relations.
3
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Václav Havel: niepolityczny polityk

100%
Bankowicz M.
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
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2014
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issue 6
EN
The article presents the political and intellectual silhouette of Václav Havel (1936–2011) – the last president of Czechoslovakia and the first one of the Czech Republic. Havel, the next to the Pole Lech Wałęsa, is the world renown symbol of the political turning point of 1989 that ended the world communist system. Before 1989, during the communist age, Havel was a dramatist, essayist and leader of Czechoslovak anticommunist and democratic dissident movement. He was strongly persecuted by the ruling communists, and while living under a permanent supervision of the security services and he was many times arrested. In 1989 Havel became a president of democratic Czechoslovakia and after dissolving of this state, in 1993, he was elected as a the first president of the new Czech Republic, holding the office by 10 following years. Havel was very untypical politician and president. He has played rather the role of an intellectual for whom politics is a matter of changing reality not by political decisions, but as a result of impact the on world by ideas and views. To follow Thomas Garrigue Masaryk example, the founder and first head of Czechoslovak state, clearlyadmired by Havel, he has tried to conduct of non-political politics. In this model politics becomes a practical applying of ethics and most important within it is not a power or state procedures and mechanisms, but men’s good and faithfulness to the truth. Václav Havel went down in the history as one of the greatest political figures of the second half of the last century.
PL
The article presents the political and intellectual silhouette of Václav Havel (1936–2011) – the last president of Czechoslovakia and the first one of the Czech Republic. Havel, the next to the Pole Lech Wałęsa, is the world renown symbol of the political turning point of 1989 that ended the world communist system. Before 1989, during the communist age, Havel was a dramatist, essayist and leader of Czechoslovak anticommunist and democratic dissident movement. He was strongly persecuted by the ruling communists, and while living under a permanent supervision of the security services and he was many times arrested. In 1989 Havel became a president of democratic Czechoslovakia and after dissolving of this state, in 1993, he was elected as a the first president of the new Czech Republic, holding the office by 10 following years. Havel was very untypical politician and president. He has played rather the role of an intellectual for whom politics is a matter of changing reality not by political decisions, but as a result of impact the on world by ideas and views. To follow Thomas Garrigue Masaryk example, the founder and first head of Czechoslovak state, clearly admired by Havel, he has tried to conduct of non-political politics. In this model politics becomes a practical applying of ethics and most important within it is not a power or state procedures and mechanisms, but men’s good and faithfulness to the truth. Václav Havel went down in the history as one of the greatest political figures of the second half of the last century.
4
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Ustrojowe dylematy prezydentury. Głowa państwa według Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 roku

100%
Bankowicz M.
|
2018
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vol. 9
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issue 26
111-128
PL
CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest analiza usytuowania prezydentury w polskim systemie konstytucyjnym oraz ocena adekwatności przepisów konstytucyjnych do rzeczywistej pozycji prezydenta w państwie. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Zasadniczy problem to charakterystyka uprawnień prezydenta i relacji pomiędzy głową państwa a innymi organami władzy państwowej. W artykule odwołano się do metody prawno‑dogmatycznej, zakładającej krytyczną analizę przepisów Konstytucji RP, a także do metody instytucjonalnej, na podstawie której opisano reguły polskiego systemu politycznego. PROCES WYWODU: Usytuowanie prezydenta w systemie konstytucyjnym Polski zostało przedstawione poprzez charakterystykę trybu jego wyłaniania, przysługujących mu prerogatyw oraz możliwości wpływania na rząd, parlament i sądownictwo. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Analiza wykazała niekonsekwencje, a nawet błędy przepisów konstytucyjnych odnoszących się do prezydenta. Powszechne i bezpośrednie wybory głowy państwa są niezgodne z zasadniczo parlamentarno‑gabinetowym systemem politycznym Polski. Uprawnienia prezydenta jako strażnika Konstytucji, gwaranta ciągłości władzy państwowej, najwyższego reprezentanta państwa w stosunkach zagranicznych oraz zwierzchnika sił zbrojnych są w dużej mierze pustymi deklaracjami, bowiem Konstytucja nie daje prezydentowi rzeczywistych możliwości działania na tych polach. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Niezbędna wydaje się przebudowa polskiej prezydentury, a tym samym reforma konstytucyjna. System polityczny powinien być klarowny i spójny. Jeśli zatem utrzymany ma być system parlamentarno‑gabinetowy, to uprawnienia konstytucyjne prezydenta powinny zostać uszczuplone i wskazane jest odejście od powszechnych wyborów prezydenckich. Wybranie opcji semiprezydenckiej powinno natomiast skutkować wzmocnieniem pozycji prezydenta poprzez uczynienie zeń podmiotu wytyczającego politykę państwa i podporządkowanie mu rządu.
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