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1

Progressive and conservative rhetoric in political advertising

100%

Piontek D.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2019

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issue 3

5-14

PL

Punktem wyjścia badania referowanego w niniejszym artykule jest koncepcja retoryki progresywnej i konserwatywnej Hugh Ranka. Stosowane w reklamie, typy te są pochodną stosunku podmiotu działającego do określonej korzyści i charakteryzują się pewnymi stałymi cechami. Celem badania było zweryfikowanie założenia, że w oparciu o analizę komunikatów reklamowych konkretnych podmiotów politycznych uprawnione jest wnioskowanie, czy ubiegają się one o reelekcję, czy też aspirują do władzy, której aktualnie nie mają. Przedmiotem badań były treści reklamowe sponsorowane przez komitety wyborcze, emitowane podczas polskiej kampanii parlamentarnej w 2015 r. w ramach bloków audycji wyborczych przez TVP, którą do nieodpłatnej emisji reklam obliguje ustawodawca. Analiza ma charakter jakościowy i dokonana została w oparciu o spoty wyborcze komitetów, których kampania zakończyła się sukcesem, tzn. które zdobyły reprezentację parlamentarną.

EN

The starting point of the study referred to in this article is the Hugh Rank’s concept of progressive and conservative rhetoric. Used in advertising, these two types are derived from the actor’s attitude to a particular benefit and are characterized by certain permanent features. The aim of the study was to verify the assumption that based on the analysis of advertising messages of specific political entities, it is legitimate to conclude whether they are seeking re-election or aspiring to power they do not currently have. The subject of the study was advertising content sponsored by election committees, broadcast during the Polish parliamentary campaign in 2015 as part of free of charge blocks of election programs by TVP. The analysis is of a qualitative nature and was made on the basis of electoral spots of committees whose campaigns were successful, i.e. which won parliamentary representation.

2

Obraz polityki i polityków w polskich serialach telewizyjnych. Na przykładzie „Rancza” i „Ekipy”

100%

Piontek D.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2013

|

issue 1

55-70

EN

The functions of popular culture go far beyond merely providing entertainment. Popular culture describes phenomena, events and issues in a manner that is highly indicative of how social reality is perceived, defined and assessed. In line with the concept of framing, popular culture also influences the cognitive frame of politics. Entertainment contains elements of political representation that are significant in shaping recipients’ opinions about politicians and politics. The paper analyzes the relation between popular culture and politics, and in particular the representation of politics in television series based on the examples of Ranczo [The ranch] and Ekipa [The team]. Politics is the main topic of both, but they present it in two contrasting ways. The former exemplifies the reconstruction of the socially dominant cognitive frame in which politics is perceived as a conspiracy and a soap opera, while the latter presents the less popular in mass culture frame of searching and bureaucracy.

3

Reklama negatywna w polskich kampaniach wyborczych 2015 roku

100%

Piontek D.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2017

|

issue 1

71-84

EN

Negative advertising in the 2015 Polish election campaigns. Political advertising is among the basic tools employed by electoral campaigns. One variation, namely negative advertising, attracts exceptional interest. The paper presents the reasons for resorting to negative advertising and the results of the analysis of advertising messages employed by the electoral committees of Andrzej Duda and Law and Justice (PiS) in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary election campaigns, respectively. The victorious electoral teams’ advertising was examined in order to determine the share of negative advertising in their advertising campaigns. The qualitative analysis is based on the advertising spots published by the electoral committees of Andrzej Duda and Law and Justice on their official YouTube channels.

PL

Reklama polityczna jest jednym z podstawowych narzędzi prowadzenia kampanii wyborczych. Szczególnym zainteresowaniem cieszy się jedna z jej odmian – reklama negatywna. Artykuł przedstawia przesłanki wykorzystywania reklamy negatywnej, a także wyniki analizy ogłoszeń reklamowych komitetów wyborczych Andrzeja Dudy oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości wyemitowanych w kampaniach 2015 roku – odpowiednio prezydenckiej i parlamentarnej. Celem analizy zwycięskich komitetów wyborczych było ustalenie, jaki udział w ich strategiach reklamowych miały reklamy negatywne. Analiza ma charakter jakościowy i dokonana została w oparciu o spoty wyborcze komitetów wyborczych Andrzeja Dudy oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, opublikowane na oficjalnych kanałach Youtube KW Andrzeja Dudy i KW Prawa i Sprawiedliwości.

4

Personalizacja rywalizacji wyborczej w kampanii parlamentarnej

100%

Piontek D.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2012

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vol. 4(40)

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issue 3

109-126

EN

This paper focuses on the way in which the Polish general elections of 2011 was reported upon by the two most popular dailies in the Wielkopolska region: „Głos Wielkopolski” (henceforth as PWG) and „Gazeta Wyborcza - Poznań” (henceforth as GW). Both these titles are regional editions of the general, nation-wide titles: „Polska the Times” and „Gazeta Wyborcza”, respectively. Their popularity among the readers is almost identical, with a slight advantage on the former title’s part. The role of the local press in the political debate resembles the general role of the media in society. At the same time, the issues discussed locally should be different from those crucial for the more general, nation-wide arena. The election time is a vital social issue and it seems reasonable to expect the elections to attract comments by the press. However, our analysis of the materials in “PGW" and “GW” shows that neither of the editorial teams did highlight the elections to extend the level of a mere informational duty. The journalists did not show extensive engagement in the conduct of the campaign, and did not depart much from the routine way of commenting on the daily life of the local community. In the era where politics and media are more and more interdependent, and where the politics permeating media is less and less tolerated by the citizens, the elections cease to be a period of an intensified exchange of information between the participants of the political communication process. Instead, the elections become a more and more routine socio-cultural ritual that can only produce a limited extent of public excitement.

5

The tabloidization of political discourse: The Polish case

100%

Piontek D.

Central European Journal of Communication

|

2011

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vol. 4

|

issue 2(7)

275-292

EN

Mass media discourse about politics consists of three overlapping fields: public discourse, discourse of politics and political discourse. Political discourse is defined as a discourse of symbolic elites present in the media, including journalists. In news programs there is a combination of political discourse and a discourse of politics: politicians appear in their political roles, while comments made by experts and reporters can be viewed as a part of the political discourse. The main topic of the article is the tabloidization of the political discourse in Polish television news programs. According to Frank Esser’s concept of tabloidization it takes place on two levels: micro and macro, and this paper focuses on the second one. The main goal of the paper is to present how the phenomenon of tabloidization of the media discourse on politics has appeared in Poland since the beginning of the 21st century. Some empirical data from different periods of time are presented to provide content analysis of news programs on commercial and public TV. Differences between the way politics is discussed in public and commercial TV are visible, but the tendency described as tabloidization is observed in both.

6

Prywatyzacja polityki, czyli polityk rodzinny

100%

Piontek D.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2017

|

vol. 45

54-70

EN

Personalization as a category describing changes in political communication appeared in political science and media literature two decades ago, becoming one of the key categories in explaining the processes of this change. An essential component of personalization is privatization, understood as the creation of private persona by politicians. This becomes the basis for creating an image that in the world of mediated politics becomes a critical factor in electoral success. The article presents the institutional phenomenon of the privatization of Polish politics after the change of the political system, which wrote anew the rules of political rivalry and encouraged politicians to use marketing strategies in communicating with voters. Specifically, it argues that a politician’s family is an indispensable tool for achieving their institutional and electoral goals.

7

Kampania w zastępstwie. Prezydencka kampania wyborcza w Polsce w 2010 roku

100%

Piontek D.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2011

|

vol. 27

24-40

EN

The aim of the article is to indicate the features of the presidential campaign of 2010 in Poland which differentiated it from previous campaigns. The main factors that determined its course were: the catastrophe of the President’s aircraft with 96 victims, including President of the Polish Republic, and flood that occurred in South-East Poland in the middle of ongoing campaign. Those circumstances caused the radical change in election strategies of main candidates and the change in tone of media coverage of the campaign. Previous estimations and speculations on the potential results of elections become invalid. The article discusses the most characteristic elements of the 2010 presidential campaign. First of all, campaigns of two main candidates were conducted r in their names rather than by themselves. Secondly, the campaign focused on emotions to extend not observed before. All competing candidates declared nonadversial competition. The stress was put on direct campaigning. Last, but not least, the campaign showed unprecedented involvement of the public media and the Catholic Church in the course of the campaign. All those elements were interrelated and resulted from mentioned determinants.

8

Political discourse on Polish commercial television. Case of “Fakty” TVN

100%

Piontek D.

Central European Journal of Communication

|

2009

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vol. 2

|

issue 2(3)

351-365

EN

The continual growth in the importance of commercial media, as proven by its growing share of the audience market, invites us to scrutinize the ways politics is mediated through these chan- nels. One may assume that the very essence of commercial activity influences the ways and forms of conducting political discourse by these media, and as a result influences the picture of politics. The aim of the article is to point out the shift away from traditional forms of political debates as well as the change in formula of covering political phenomena and events, and political processes by the media, and the specifics of the convergence of television genres, in which politics is present. The article will attempt a reconstruction of medial political reality, based on content analysis and the analysis of the forms of political discourse in commercial television, particularly in news programs using “Fakty”, broadcasted by TVN, as a case study.

9

Normative media theories: the media in the new democracies

100%

Piontek D.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2016

|

issue 2

49-62

PL

Zmiany polityczne, które zaszły w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w ostatniej dekadzie XX wieku zaowocowały odejściem od reżimów autorytarnych i wprowadzaniem demokratycznych rozwiązań ustrojowych. Transformacja ustrojowa w krajach regionu dotyczyła także sfery wolności słowai swobody działania mediów. Przemiany odbywały się w sposób ewolucyjny, poprzedzały je dyskusje i spory o przyszły kształt mediów. W początkowym etapie przekształceń niezbędna była silna kontrola państwa, to jego struktury odpowiedzialne były za powodzenie demokratycznych przemian. Po upadku reżimów autorytarnych należało uporządkować prawne i instytucjonalne podstawy istnienia wolnych mediów, które powstać miały na fundamencie mediów państwowych, w pełni kontrolowanych przez władzę polityczną i pełniących w istocie jedną rolę – tuby propagandowej. Punktem wyjścia stały się normatywne teorie mediów, które stanowią zbiór idei i postulatów dotyczących tego, jak media powinny działać, aby implementować społecznie pożądane wartości. Dyskusje nad prawnymi, instytucjonalnymi, funkcjonalnymi, a także personalnymi rozwiązaniami dotyczącymi mediów masowych w nowych demokracjach odwoływały się do obserwacji i ustaleń poczynionych przez badaczy wywodzących się z systemów o długiej tradycji demokratycznej. Przedmiotem prezentowanego artykułu jest relacja między mediami i demokracją. Autorka prezentuje pogląd, że teoria społecznej odpowiedzialności mediów, wspomagana założeniami teorii demokratyczno-uczestniczącej, była głównym źródłem inspiracji dla uczestników debat dotyczących przyszłego kształtu mediów komunikowania masowego w rodzących się demokracjach. Warto zauważyć, że teorie te reprezentują nie tylko nieco odmienne poglądy na miejsce mediów w demokracji, ale odzwierciedlają także różnice w pojmowaniu istoty demokracji.

EN

The political changes which occurred in Central and Eastern Europe in the last decade of the 20th century resulted in introducing democratic systems to replace authoritarian regimes. The political transformation in the region affected also freedom of speech and leeway for the media. The transformation was of an evolutionary nature, preceded by discussions and disputes over the future form of the media. At the initial stage of the changes, strict state control was required, as the government was responsible for the success of the democratic changes. Following the overthrow of the authoritarian regimes, a need emerged for sorting out the legal and institutional basis of a free media intended to be established on the basis of state-owned media, fully controlled by the political authorities and in fact assuming a single role, namely that of a propaganda machine. Normative theories of the media have become the starting point, as a collection of ideas and postulates stating that the media’s mode of operation should facilitate socially desirable values. Discussions of the legal, institutional, functional as well as personal solutions related to the mass media in the new democracies referred to observations and agreements among researchers who came from systems with long democratic traditions. This paper revolves around the relation between the media and democracy, and argues that the theory of the media’s social responsibility and the democratic-participant theory were the major source of inspiration for the participants of the debates about the future form of the mass media in the emerging democracies. It is worth noticing that these theories represent not only slightly different opinions on the role of the media in a democracy but they also reflect the differences in understanding the essence of democracy.

10

Ani słowa o polityce. Prasa kobieca jako kanał komunikowania politycznego

100%

Piontek D.

Studia Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 24

149-167

EN

Contemporary political communication exacts seeking new areas of public presence of politicians. Women’s magazines have become one of the most promising channel of political communication because of reasons which are discussed in the article. The author argues that the growing importance of the press is an effect of political marketing (personalization and celebrization of politics), commercialization of the media (tabloidization of journalism), as well as changing expectations of audiences which are fragmented and uninterested in politics. These processes result in growing importance of the media which are not directly associated with politics. Politicians’ presence in the women’s magazines leads to intimization of political journalism creating new conditions of building political persona.

11

Metodologia badań nad tabloidyzacją

63%

Hordecki B., Piontek D.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2012

|

vol. 36

28-44

EN

In past few years tabloidization became a popular and widely used term, describing particular phenomena and processes occurring in media and its discourse. It also went on to be an interesting subject of studies that facilitates assessment of state not only journalism as a profession, but also contemporary media systems and societies, as well as comprehension of mechanisms that put them in motion. Thesis stating that tabloids and tabloid-like media strongly affect mentality of millions of audience, shaping their memories, opinions and knowledge was commonly approved. Article presents original project of use of content analysis to research tablodization basing on the example of Polish newscasts. It includes also exemplary set of variables and propositions of how a key should look. Authors present their arguments in favour of tabloidization research and demonstrate its indicators.

12

Tabloidyzacja czy tabloidyzacje telewizyjnych programów informacyjnych? (Fakty TVN i Wiadomości TVP)

63%

Hordecki B., Piontek D.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2010

|

issue 2

19-32

EN

Tabloidization is one of the main processes affecting modern mass media which can be observed in the media systems around the world. In Poland, the phenomenon of tabloidization has clearly intensified since the emergence of a pluralist media market, and in particular since the first commercial TV station and first typical tabloid have come into existence. The objective of the paper is to present the tabloidization processes in the Polish system of TV broadcasting. Having narrowed the subject matter to the realm of news programs the authors present the research conducted in order to address two fundamental questions: 1. Does the tabloidization of TV programs in Poland occur irrespective of the broadcaster’s status, and 2. Is the tabloidization of TV programs different depending on the broadcaster’s status?

13

Nonverbal components of the populist style of political communication: A study on televised presidential debates in Poland

63%

Piontek D., Tadeusz-Ciesielczyk M.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2019

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vol. 12

|

issue 2(23)

150-168

EN

While much of the scholarship on populist political communication focuses on its content and a verbal style, less is known about the nonverbal cues accompanying populist messages. This paper aims in filling that gap by providing findings of the study on characteristics of nonverbal communication of two Polish presidential candidates: Bronisław Komorowski and Andrzej Duda, traced during two debates broadcast on television before the second round of the presidential elections in 2015. The results revealed that both candidates employed nonverbal cues such as appearance, eye contact, facial expressions, or gestures that emphasized their references towards the people or negative attitudes towards elites expressed in their verbal messages. The study also proved that the methods used previously in research on nonverbal content on television observational protocols and analysis of facial expressions may be successfully employed in studies on nonverbal components of the populist style of communication.

14

An ideal of a politician in Polish tabloids “Super Express” and “Fakt. Daily”

63%

Hordecki B., Piontek D.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2011

|

issue 3

47-60

PL

Artykuł zawiera porównanie badań przeprowadzonych w roku 2007 i 2009. Analizie zawartości mediów poddano dwa wiodące polskie tabloidy, tj. „Fakt. Gazetę Codzienną” oraz „Super Express”. Celem porównania było stwierdzenie, czy wnioski dotyczące różnic pomiędzy badanymi gazetami w kwestii operowania ideałami polityka, sformułowane na podstawie materiału z 2007 r., zostaną konfirmowane badaniami materiałów publikowanych dwa lata później. W konkluzji artykułu autorzy stwierdzają, że różnice pomiędzy wiodącymi polskimi tabloidami są wyraźne i mają charakter względnie stały. Co najistotniejsze, redakcja „Faktu. Gazety Codziennej”, w przeciwieństwie do „Super Expressu”, zarówno w roku 2007, jak i 2009, operowała stabilnym wzorcem, w oparciu o który oceniano i komentowano działalność aktorów politycznych. Natomiast dziennikarze „Super Expressu” nie posiadali takiego miernika, a ich teksty z reguły miały bulwersować, deprecjonując sferę polityczną oraz zawód polityka jako takie. Interpretację wyników przeprowadzono w oparciu o wiedzę nt. tabloidyzacji mediów, tabloidyzacji newsów oraz personalizacji polityki.

15

Co tam, panie, w polityce? Politycy w programach publicystycznych

63%

Ossowski S., Piontek D.

Zeszyty Prasoznawcze

|

2014

|

vol. 57

|

issue 2

234-250

EN

Contemporary public debate is in general a media debate, organized by journalists working for major media companies. Journalists are not merely employees of their corporations. They, as “opinion leaders”, shape political attitudes as well as behaviors of their viewers, readers and listeners. Compounds between media and politics are multifaceted and one of them is relationship between journalists and politicians. Each party tries to infl uence the other, with various results but it certainly can be said that politicians and journalists are interdependent. However, in recent times, journalists are increasingly dependent not only from politicians but also from their employers, thus weakening their professional position. This leads to a reduction of the importance of informational function of the media for the sake of entertainment. The aim of the article is to examine political journalism in terms of relationships between interviewers (journalists) and interviewees (politicians) taking place during television interviews. The analysis is carried out mainly through the prism of actors and themes occurring in the context of the convergence of traditional and tabloid journalistic standards.

16

Żelazna Dziewczyna - Mutti-Madame Non: Angela Merkel, pierwsza dama światowej polityki

63%

Grzelak M., Piontek D.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2013

|

issue 4

219-236

EN

Although social and traditional barriers are continuously being overcome, women’s participation inpublic life, including politics, remains marginal. Even though European states enact regulations aimed at increasing the number of women in politics, few of them assume prominent positions of party leaders, govemment heads and presidents. For many years, the feminine govemment in Europę was epitomized by the Prime Minister of Great Britain, Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). Her political career exemplifies gradually rising up the political ladder, resulting in the position of the leader of the party and the State. One of the most prominent figures in modem European and global politics is the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel. Given present standards, her political career is exceptionally original. Her entering politics and taking the highest State position exemplify the unpredictability of politics on the one hand, and on the other confirm the principle that once you have a definite goal and pursue it step by step, you can achieve it regardless of the obstacles. The purpose of the paper is to present Angela Merkel’ s path to the most prominent Office in Germany and her exceptional position in Europę, as well as to indicate the events that evidence how exceptional this path was.

PL

Mimo ciągłego przełamywania barier obyczajowych i społecznych, udział kobiet w życiu publicznym, w tym także w polityce, jest ciągle marginalny. Mimo sukcesywnego wprowadzania w państwach europejskich regulacji, których celem jest zwiększenie liczby kobiet w polityce, niewiele z nich zajmuje eksponowane stanowiska liderek partii, szefowych rządów czy prezydentów. Przez wiele lat symbolem kobiecych rządów w Europie była premier Wielkiej Brytanii Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). Przebieg jej kariery politycznej jest przykładem stopniowego wspinania się po drabinie politycznego awansu prowadzącej do objęcia przywództwa w partii i państwie. Jedną z najważniejszych postaci współczesnej polityki europejskiej i światowej jest kanclerz Niemiec Angela Merkel. Droga jej kariery politycznej, jak na obecne standardy, jest wyjątkowo nietypowa. Jej wejście do polityki, jak i objęcie najważniejszego urzędu w państwie, jest przykładem nieprzewidywalności polityki z jednej strony, a drugiej potwierdzeniem zasady, że mając ściśle wyznaczony cel, dążąc do niego krok po kroku, można go osiągnąć niezależnie od istniejących ograniczeń. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie drogi Angeli Merkel do najważniejszego urzędu w Niemczech i wyjątkowej pozycji w Europie oraz wskazanie tych wydarzeń, które świadczą o wyjątkowości tej drogi.

17

The Law and Justice Leader and Prime Minister’s Affinity Towards the Alternative Media on Facebook in Poland

51%

Winiarska-Brodowska M., Piontek D., Dzwończyk J., Jabłońska M.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2022

|

issue 2

21-42

PL

Wyraźne rozróżnienie między źródłami medialnymi a elektoratami w ramach ekosystemu mediów tradycyjnych może pomóc wyjaśnić ograniczone znaczenie mediów alternatywnych (skoncentrowanych na fałszywych wiadomościach i mistyfikacjach) jako istotnych źródeł informacji. W dyskursie politycznym i analitycznym alternatywne media mogą być postrzegane jako „alternatywa” dla dominujących liberalnych mediów i dyskursu. W tym kontekście premier Mateusz Morawiecki i wicepremier Jarosław Kaczyński aktywnie „polubili” inne profile na swoich stronach FB. Morawiecki polubił niektóre media, głównie kanały telewizyjne i radiowe ze swojego okręgu wyborczego. Skupił się przy tym bardziej na tożsamości narodowej i interesach narodowych w sensie ekonomicznym. Spodobał mu się jednak również magazyn prasowy, który jest przypadkiem granicznym między ideologicznie mocno stronniczą a dezinformacyjną sceną w Polsce.

EN

A clear differentiation between media sources and electorates within the legacy media ecosystem may help to explain the limited importance of the alternative media (focused on fake news and hoaxes) as relevant information sources. In a political and analytical discourse, the alternative media can be seen as an “alternative” to the dominant liberal media and discourse. Within this context, Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki and Deputy Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński were active in “liking” other profiles on their FB pages. Morawiecki liked some media, mostly TV and radio channels from his constituency region. His focus was more on the national identity and national interests in an economic sense. However, he also liked a press magazine that is a borderline case between ideologically heavily biased and disinformation scene in Poland.

18

Methodological Challenges for International Empirical Studies on Populist Political Communication

51%

Stępińska A., Jakubowski J., Piontek D.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2017

|

vol. 56

226-243

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przeanalizowane dwóch narzędzi badawczych wykorzystywanych w naukach społecznych w odpowiednio – ilościowych lub jakościowych – badaniach: książki kodowej, zwanej też kluczem kategoryzacyjnym oraz pogłębionego wywiadu indywidualnego pod kątem ich przydatności do badań nad populistycznym komunikowaniem politycznym. Służyć temu będzie krytyczny przegląd książek kodowych stanowiących narzędzia do analizy zawartości mediów w trzech badaniach międzynarodowych prowadzonych w Europie w latach 2012 – 2017, a także analiza struktury kwestionariusza wywiadu pogłębionego zaplanowanego w ramach projektu realizowanego w ramach Akcji COST IS 1308 Populist Communication in Europe: Comprehending the Challenge of Mediated Political Populism for Democratic Politics.

EN

The objective of this paper is to analyze two research tools applied in the social sciences for quantitative and qualitative studies respectively, namely codebook, or coding scheme, and individual in-depth interview – in terms of their applicability for studies of populist political communication. To this end, three codebooks serving as the tools of media content analysis in the above-mentioned international studies conducted in Europe in 2012 – 2017 are critically reviewed, and the structure of a questionnaire for in-depth interviews planned within the COST Action IS1308 Populist Political Communication in Europe: Comprehending the Challenge of Mediated Political Populism for Democratic Politics is analyzed.

19

Relacjonowanie wyborów samorządowych w prasie regionalnej w 2010 roku. Komunikat z badań

33%

Biskup B., Churska-Nowak K., Drobczyński S., Hess A., Kolczyński M., Mazur M., Piontek D., Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2012

|

issue 3

233-248

EN

The paper presents the methodology and partial results of an empirical study on the professionalization and mediatization of the local government election campaign from the perspective of its coverage by the regional press. The study was conducted by a research team from four academic centers in Poland, under a research project entitled The elections to local governments in regional media. Regional dailies and television election programs as platforms of political communication. One of the aims of the project was to analyze how election campaigns were covered by local press at the time of the local government election campaign in Poland in 2010. Quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis were applied to the content of press releases concerning the elections collected over the last two weeks of the election campaign, prior to the elections of 21st November 2010, in the regional issues of the printed versions of “Gazeta Wyborcza” and regional variations of the “Polska The Times”, published in four regional capitals – Katowice, Kraków, Poznań and Warsaw. In the case of newspapers, an examined entity was a press release on the elections.

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Progressive and conservative rhetoric in political advertising

Obraz polityki i polityków w polskich serialach telewizyjnych. Na przykładzie „Rancza” i „Ekipy”

Reklama negatywna w polskich kampaniach wyborczych 2015 roku

Personalizacja rywalizacji wyborczej w kampanii parlamentarnej

The tabloidization of political discourse: The Polish case

Prywatyzacja polityki, czyli polityk rodzinny

Kampania w zastępstwie. Prezydencka kampania wyborcza w Polsce w 2010 roku

Political discourse on Polish commercial television. Case of “Fakty” TVN

Normative media theories: the media in the new democracies

Ani słowa o polityce. Prasa kobieca jako kanał komunikowania politycznego

Metodologia badań nad tabloidyzacją

Tabloidyzacja czy tabloidyzacje telewizyjnych programów informacyjnych? (Fakty TVN i Wiadomości TVP)

Nonverbal components of the populist style of political communication: A study on televised presidential debates in Poland

An ideal of a politician in Polish tabloids “Super Express” and “Fakt. Daily”

Co tam, panie, w polityce? Politycy w programach publicystycznych

Żelazna Dziewczyna - Mutti-Madame Non: Angela Merkel, pierwsza dama światowej polityki

The Law and Justice Leader and Prime Minister’s Affinity Towards the Alternative Media on Facebook in Poland

Methodological Challenges for International Empirical Studies on Populist Political Communication

Relacjonowanie wyborów samorządowych w prasie regionalnej w 2010 roku. Komunikat z badań