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UK
На запитання «якого кольору» століття хотілось би відповісти ілюстраціями американського художника єврейського походження, представника абстрактного експресіонізму Марка Ротко, в яких уже не має не тільки змісту, а й форми. Є тільки колір, точніше, барвиста гра кольорів у всій їхній яскравості, насиченості, ясності та строкатості.
EN
The paper approves the statement on value-regulatory foundation of science - social science in particular - as mediated by argued scientific discourse. The regulative idea of such a discourse is an ideal communication. The transcendental-argumentative ground of ethics constitutes the normative condition of social theory grounding, meanwhile the intensional content of social theory is derived from critical-reconstructive social sciences. This statement is concretized through application to different theories, especially to those which are associated with bio-technology and genetic technology, preimplantation diagnostics etc. The discoursive foundation of science presupposes, by-turn, an autonomous subject able to bear responsibility for elaboration and realization of such projects, complementing the individual responsibility with common responsibility on the basis of discoursive ethics.
EN
A principle of objectivity of social knowledge in correspondence with the paradigmal turn in philosophy that is in the context of practical discourse is substantiated in the article. This principle is considered in interrelation with the principle of pragmatic-dialogic, discourse coherence of social, and, in particular, political statements. This means that the fact of consistency of one or another thesis or intention with trustworthiness of recognition of speakers as partners in discourse is inevitable for determining objectivity of social statements. The agreement of the thesis or intention with the role of a partner of discourse is the last criterion for the argument significance and then a contribution to discourse, i.e. it is a principle of discoursive coherence, or intersubjective objectivity of corresponding statements. This principle is simultaneously a moral principle, since the practical discourse is also ethical, moral-practical category applied to different spheres of social being.
UK
В умовах «всесвітнього суспільства ризиків» (У. Бек) зростає роль наукового знання, а відтак, роль і відповідальність інтелектуалів, зокрема філософів, у можливому прогнозуванні цих ризиків і загроз. Адже як ніколи в історії суспільство потребує достеменного знання, але як ніколи в історії таке знання є дедалі проблематичнішим. Таке становище пов’язане з тим, що сучасне суспільство є надто складним, а тому в ньому проблематизується можливість прогнозування наслідків самого прогнозування. Адже прогнозування можливе у простих закритих системах, а сучасне суспільство — це складна відкрита система. Така проблематичність достеменного істинного знання позначається в різних концепціях, зокрема «нової непрозорості» (Ю. Габермас), «меж прогнозів» (Г. Йонас), «другого модерну» (У. Бек, В. Цимерлі) тощо. Цими проблемами переймається у своїх працях «Інституції сенсу», «Філософії політичного судження» та ін. і відомий французький філософ Венсан Декомб, творчості якого присвячено цей випуск «ФД».
EN
The thesis that philosophy will further perform its world-view function is substantiated in the article, but the world-view approach cannot be used as a paradigm for scientific community, including Kyiv philosophical circle, because of the communicative turn in contemporary philosophy. One should not construct world-views, but should reflect in the open discourse on the coherence of presented arguments used for research of the world. Thanks to the principle of discourse philosophy serves as a meta-theory for other sciences integrating together natural sciences and humanities and uniting theory and practice on this argumentative basis.
EN
The round-table concerning the theme Religion and Rationality was held at the Institute of Philosophy on June 1, 2012. The discussion was opened with the salutatory address by Myroslav Popovych, Academician of NAS of Ukraine, director of the Institute of Philosophy. Ukrainian and German humanists (Klaus Müller, Thomas Bremer, Anatolii Yermolenko, Serhii Proleev, Kostiantyn Sigov, Viktor Kozlovskyі, Mykhailo Cherenkov, Andrii Vasylchenko, Andrii Baumeister), as well as the students of leading Ukrainian universities and the students of the Catholic faculty of the Münster University (Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität) took part in the discussion. We publish a collection of materials prepared on the basis of speeches of the discussion participants.
EN
The legacy of the 20th century — the results of the newest aggressive paganism, combined paradoxically with acquisitions of emancipated intellect which is not constrained with morals — worries to death even in the 19th century. This, in particular, is witnessed by the newest Russian imperialism which has absorbed the mythology of the “coming boor”, traditions of nihilism and anomy, political culture of the Moscow khanate, fed by propagandistic machine of the Kremlin. That is why the leading scientific subjects of the book The Red Century by Myroslav Popovich have gained the acute urgency; the book is a certain encyclopedia of phobias, drawbacks, divergences and latent threats proceeding from that social, political and cultural commonness of the 20th century which resulted in the greatest victims in the history of mankind. The round-table meeting dedicated to this book had the aim to plunge the most urgent narratives of The Red Century in the present notional context. Such a task foresaw the use of interdisciplinary methodological optics with participation of well-known philosophers, philologists, historians with the aim to find the ways of healing from the phobias, drawbacks, and divergences of the century which has passed. The round-table meeting participants discussed the broad range of questions: historical and cultural preconditions of geopolitical events of the 20th century (M. Popovich); lessons that we have to learn proceeding from these events (V. Skurativskyi); content of the present geopolitical situation (S. Proleev); contradictions of modernization and destruction of the moral and political universalism in the context of totalitarianism (A. Yer mo len ko); doubtful role of ressentiment as the motive force of history (V. Kozlovskyi); problems of identity in formation of the nation-state (O.Bilyi); prospects of the national state system in the 21st century (O. Maiboroda); Ukrainian context of the Second World war (Yu. Sha poval); a phenomenon of stateless subjectness of the Ukrainian nation in the historical context (S. Hrabovskyi).
EN
The round table subject was prompted by the proceeding of political transformations in Ukraine. The question is first of all in the phenomena connected with the processes of de-institutionalization with raising the status and prestige of political institutions, compromising of parliamentarism, with dangerous tendencies in forming the post-Soviet law system. That is why such problems as formation of cultural-historical and philosophicallegal preconditions of political legitimation, correlation of state governing and political recognition, violence and the nature of legitimation, democratic competition and compulsion proved to be in the centre of attention of the round table participants. Special attention was given to discussion of the role of manipulative technologies in the process of political legitimation, as well as the role of the shadow (informal) institutions as those inherent in authoritarian governing. In the course of the discussion there arose a distinct intention to find out to what extent and how can the objection to superficial character of the political principle concerning the private sphere of an individual, depreciation of values of institutional experience of democracy, compromising of the political one can cause the mass expansion of anomy as the principle of the novel forms of autocracy.
UK
Нас зібрала тема, яка має наріжне значення для всієї соціальної та політичної філософії. Окрім загальнотеоретичного інтересу, її актуалізують і українські соціальні реалії, повсякчасні трансформації яких раз за разом висувають на порядок денний питання про роль примусу в політичному житті. Небезпека ескалації насильства — причому як з боку невдоволених правлячим режимом, так і з боку можновладців — складає одну з найбільших суспільних небезпек українського сьогодення.
EN
To comprehend the Maidan phenomenon the Editorial Board of “Filosofska dumka” has invited for discussion the participants of the Revolution of Dignity — philosophers, historians, journalists. Can this phenomenon be comprehended with the use of the steady social and ideological definitions, and does it require the change of the political vocabulary? Had the Maidan an ideology / ideologies and had it influence on popularity of certain ideologies? Maidan and political radicalism: the right-wing and left-wing participants in the Maidan — phantoms or real forces? The Maidan and the state — opposition or complementarity? How did the Maidan realize itself? Which were the principles of self-organization and activities of the Maidan? What was the religion role in the Maidan? Has the Maidan gone or does it continue? The participants of the round-table meeting tried to find answers to these questions.
UK
Чи можна осмислити феномен Майдану за допомоги усталених соціальних та ідеологічних визначень, а чи він вимагає зміни політичного словника? Чи мав Майдан ідеологію/ідеології і чи вплинув на популярність тих чи тих ідеологій? Майдан і політичний радикалізм: «праві» й «ліві» на Майдані — фантоми чи реальні сили? Майдан і держава — протистояння чи комплементарність? Як Майдан усвідомлював сам себе? Якими були засади самоорганізації та діяльності Майдану? Яку роль на Майдані відігравала релігія? Майдан минув чи продовжується?
EN
The round-table sitting dedicated to the Russian-Ukrainian war took place on October 24, 2014. The question was, in particular, of its cultural and historical factors and peculiarities of the conflict of consciousnesses in the course of Ukraine-Russia opposition. The participants have analyzed the phenomenon of the hybrid war as anomia, outlined a rational system of ensuring national security. There have been represented the original interpretation of the war discourse and euphemisation of political leaders’ language as the reduction of truth. The myth of the “Russian world” was considered as the basis of mobilization strategies of the aggressor and cognitive structure of its strategic culture. The correlation between philosophic traditions and the method of fighting the war have been outlined.
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