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EN
Analyzing the works of Polish solidarists, we can find many references to other — sometimes mutually exclusive — ideological currents. However, as far as the economic aspects of the solidarist doctrine are concerned, we can easily detect especially strong connections with corporatism which was also repeatedly referred to by representatives of Italian Fascism. The principal ideologue of Polish solidarism — Professor Leopold Caro — perceived corporatism as a so-called “Third Way,” constituting the ideological alternative positioned between liberalism and socialism. In all his most important works — such as Thoughts of a Japanese on Poland, Solidarism, New Ways or Towards New Poland — he repeatedly made approving references to Italian Fascism or to Benito Mussolini. His main analysis of the phenomenon of Fascism can however be found in the publication titled Social and Economic Reforms of Fascism. The most important element of the analysis of Fascism as presented by Leopold Caro was the comparison of this Italian doctrine with socialism, and particularly liberalism, regarding the issue of social and economic rights in the context of labor relations. Analyzing the social-and-economic policies undertaken by Benito Mussolini, Leopold Caro pointed out their dualist character, involving, on one hand, gaining the approval of the group of leading industrialists (right after the conclusion of military hostilities when the specter of Communist revolution was seemingly looming), and, on the other, exerting a pressure on the industrialists in order to force them to recognize social rights. Another issue, which was approvingly acknowledged by the Polish solidarist, concerned the separation of economic aspects in which there existed a possibility of governmental intervention with simultaneous protection and development of private initiatives. Attempting to transplant Italian solutions onto Polish ground, Leopold Caro finally concluded that it is currently impossible to achieve due to the fact Polish society was simply not prepared for such radical changes and required substantial transformation before they could take place.
EN
First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia Alexander Dubček and Prime Minister of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic Oldřich Černik, who held office during the Prague Spring of 1968, in an open letter to the Central Committee of the United Workers’ Party and the government of the Polish People’s Republic, advocate for a reform process in Czechoslovakia in 1968 and criticize the occupation of Czechoslovakia by the five Warsaw Pact states in August 1968, along with the subsequent normalization, which severely endangered the domestic and international authority of socialism.
EN
Paweł Fiktus. In Search of the Euro-Atlantic Doctrine of Free-dom of Speech, ed. by Michał Urbańczyk, Łukasz D. Barto-sik, Natalia Zagórska, Wydawnictwo Naukowe ArchaeGraph, Poznań–Łódź 2019
PL
Paweł Fiktus. W poszukiwaniu euro-atlantyckiej doktryny wolności słowa, pod red. Michała Urbańczyka, Łukasza D. Bartosika, Natalii Zagórsk-iej, Wydawnictwo Naukowe ArchaeGraph, Poznań–Łódź 2019
EN
At the end of World War I, in many European countries women won the active and passive right to vote. Poland was one of the first countries, where women were allowed to participate in political life. Already at the time of establishing the Legislative Sejm (1919) the first women-MPs took their seats in Parliament. Similarly, the situation presented itself in the case of the Senate. During its first session (1922) women participated in the works of the upper chamber. The purpose of this paper is to present the participation of women in the legislative work of the Senate in various terms of office. The participation of women in the legislative work of Parliament was characterized by their involvement in issues concerning education or social services, while avoiding participation in the legislative work or that dealing with political matters. The situation presented itself differently as regards women’s involvement in the work of the Senate. A good example here was the activity of Dorota Kałuszyńska, who – during the work on the so called April Constitution of 1935 – not only participated in it very actively, but also ruthlessly attacked the then ruling camp. Another very interesting episode related to activities of women in the Senate was an informal covenant during the work on the bill to limit the sale, administration and consumption of alcoholic beverages. Belonging to different political groups: the said D. Kłuszyńska as a representative of the Polish Socialist Party, Helena Kisielewska from the Bloc of National Minorities and Hanna Hubicka of BBWR [the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government] unanimously criticized the regulations in force, which – in their opinion – did not fulfill their role when it came to anti-alcohol protection. The participation of women as far as their number was concerned was indeed small, but the Senate (like Parliament) of the Second Republic functioned in the period when women had just begun their activity on the legislative forum. Undoubtedly, it was a very interesting period, in which women had the benefit in the form of gaining their parliamentary experience. For example, it gave rise to subsequent activities of Dorota Kłuszyńska, who actively participated in the legislative works of the Sejm in the years 1947–1952, dealing with social issues or family.
PL
In accordance with the Act of 6 January 2005 on national and ethnic minorities and regional languages, the so-called auxiliary language was introduced into the Polish legal order. It involves a situation when it is used by a national or ethnic minority in a municipality where they constitute a minimum of 20% of the total population. Then there is the legal possibility of using the minority language on equal terms with the official language, that is the Polish language, before the municipal authorities. This paper presents and describes issues related to the rules of introducing an auxiliary language and situations when it can be used. The existing legislative shortcomings in the form of using phrases that are ill-defined or cause problems of interpretation are pointed out. The auxiliary language, although it can currently be used only in 33 municipalities, is an important element in the functioning of national and ethnic minorities in Poland, as well as is very useful in the relations between the municipality and the residents (belonging to the minority).
PL
Okres po II wojnie światowej, cechujący się na gruncie medycznym powszechnym brakiem kadry lekarskiej oraz pielęgniarskiej, jak też zniszczeniem infrastruktury i zaplecza medycznego, wymuszał wprowadzenie szybkich rozwiązań gwarantujących, przynajmniej na minimalnym poziomie, opiekę nad społeczeństwem. Wykształcenie stosownego personelu wymagało odpowiedniej ilości czasu. W tej sytuacji ówczesna władza zastosowała istniejące, aczkolwiek już zapomniane rozwiązanie, w postaci zawodu felczera – cechującego się pewną samodzielnością w wykonywaniu prostych czynności medycznych. Celem niniejszej publikacji jest przybliżenie zakresu uprawnień, jakie przysługiwały felczerowi w nowej rzeczywistości politycznej, określenie, w jaki sposób ten zawód był wówczas postrzegany. Legal and social position of the feldsher in Poland in 1945–1989 (Abstract)With the end of the Second World War, the feldsher’s profession was regulated by legal acts dating back to the interwar period. The leading act was the Act of 1 July 1921, on the feldsher’s profession, which briefly defined the feldsher’s qualifications. The key legal act regulating the legal position of feldsher was a law passed by the Legislative Sejm on 20 July 1950, on the feldsher’s profession. The feldsher’s powers were divided into two groups: activities performed independently (that is, in feldsher’s points and non-public health care institutions) as well as activities carried out non-independently – that is, under the guidance of a physician. The issues related to professional secrecy and disciplinary liability were regulated separately. Trying to determine the feldsher’s position in the system at that time, during the legislative work, it was recognized that it would be a profession between a doctor and a nurse. The reason for the adoption of such a solution was the possibility of performing small independent treatments, to whose performance a nurse was not authorized. Initially, the feldsher’s profession enjoyed the great interest of those willing to practice the profession. At this time, medical publications often presented the social advancement of feldsher school students, who continued their medical education after graduation. However, the interest in the feldsher’s profession gradually began to decline and the school year 1962/1963 was the last period of the feldsher’s education in Poland. The last feldsher school functioned then in Warsaw. From this moment on, the feldsher’s profession was left to its own devices. Since 1956, the feldsher’s qualifications have been extended to the possibility of working in sobering stations. Further powers were awarded to the feldsher in the 1960s, including issuing death certificates, diagnosing venereal diseases during medical examinations in sobering stations, and the inclusion of this profession in the fight against infectious diseases. In the case of the feldsher’s profession, the issues of a prestigious nature, such as the introduction of appropriate decorations similar to those of the physician or nurse, for instance long-term seniority, were also omitted. The feldsher’s profession was recalled when Poland entered the European Union structures, which led to the introduction of a new regulation in 2005 regulating the scope of activities to which the feldsher was qualified.
EN
The article is devoted to an analysis of the relations between the state and religion in Nietzsche’s philosophy and the influence of these views on Nikolai Berdyaev. The Russian philosopher referred to the functioning of the communist state, which was replacing religion. He agreed with Nietzsche that religion was one of the efficient tools for controlling people and that any analysis of the functioning of any state could not fail to address the religiosity of its society and the way the phenomenon was used by the government.
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EN
The purpose of the article was the analysis of two topics: the freedom and new society in Steiner’s philosophy. Steiner in The Philosophy of Freedom postulates that the world is essentially an indivisible unity. He suggests, that freedom can only be approached gradually with the aid of the creative activity of thinking. The ability to think and act independently is a possibility for modern consciousness. The process of free action also includes the liberation from given (unreflected) natural driver, instincts and the commands of reason or authorities. The free action, are those for which we are fully conscious of the motive. He concludes, that freedom is the spiritual activity of penetrating with consciousness our own nature. The most striking feature of Anthroposophy will be deemed, at first sight, to be the cultivation of the soul’s inward life and the opening of the eyes to a spiritual world. But these doctrines are the foes of real life. The best situation would result if one would give people free way. He has the trust that they would find their direction themselves.
EN
The aim of the article is to portray the arguments presented by the deputies to the first term of the Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic during the legislative work on the Act of 27 April 1956 on the admissibility of the termination of pregnancy as well as the debates of lawyers who commented on the legal aspects of these new regulations. The parliamentary debate was dominated by voices which supported the law in accordance with the ruling party’s stance. However, there were also individual criticisms of the proposed solutions. Among the lawyers commenting on the newly enacted law, there were both supportive and critical voices. They lawyers focused on the interpretation of the new law and pointed to the difficulties with their interpretation or the lack of regulation of some vital issues related to the termination of pregnancy. Learning about the arguments presented by both the politicians and lawyers who commented on the 1956 Act on the termination of pregnancy has its own historical value. The political and legal discourse presented in the present article may also be an interesting source that can be compared with the contemporary debate on the subject.
PL
Przedmiotem badawczym artykułu są argumenty przedstawione przez posłów na forum Sejmu Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej I kadencji podczas prac legislacyjnych nad ustawą z dnia 27 kwietnia 1956 r. o warunkach dopuszczalności przerywania ciąży oraz debata prawników komentujących aspekty prawne tych nowych regulacji. W debacie parlamentarnej dominowały głosy popierające ustawę, zgodne z linią partii rządzącej, ale pojawiły się też pojedyncze wypowiedzi krytyczne wobec proponowanych rozwiązań. Wśród prawników komentujących nowo uchwalone prawo pojawiły się również głosy popierające i krytyczne. Prawnicy koncentrowali się na wykładni nowego prawa, wskazując na trudności interpretacyjne czy brak regulacji części istotnych kwestii związanych z przerywaniem ciąży. Poznanie argumentów, które przedstawiali zarówno politycy, jak i prawnicy komentujący ustawę z 1956 r. o przerywaniu ciąży ma wartość historyczną, a ukazany w artykule dyskurs polityczny i prawniczy może być również interesującym materiałem, który można porównać ze współczesną debatą.
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