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PL
This article is an attempt to answer the question if it is legitimate to use the term “martiallaw generation”. The researchers adopted the basic methodological assumptions ofunderstanding the concept of the martial law generation. It was concurred that the birth yearwhich, according to researchers, is the only objective indication of belonging to a particulargeneration, should in principle, (present in most research papers) cover between 15 and25 years of age. Researchers also indicated necessary factors that should occur beyond thebirth year. The author attempted to analyze the biographies of persons born between 1950-1965, as well as available documents and reports of those who were repressed for politicalreasons in the sense of deprivation of liberty in Lesser Poland during martial law. This article,in essence, is to contribute to the wider studies, which could include the whole of Poland,thus constituting an unequivocal argument for justification or overthrow the thesis that it isreasonable to use the term of the generation of martial law.Keywords: generation, martial law, Lesser Poland, biogram, repressed
EN
Book review: Maryla Hopfinger, Zygmunt Ziątek, Tomasz Żukowski (red.). 2017. Debaty po roku 1989. Literatura w procesie komunikacji – w strone nowej syntezy (2), Warszawa: Instytut Badań Literackich PAN, ss. 507
PL
Piotr Lipiński’s work entitled Bierut. Kiedy partia była bogiem (Bierut. When the Party Was God) is an interested contribution to capturing the history of Stalinism in Poland. Bolesław Bierut is one of the key figures of the period when Poland was subjected to Stalinisation (1944/1945–1956). This biography is characterised by its inconsistence and variedness while at the same time the topicality of the historical process and experience shared by millions of citizens of the Polish People’s Republic. It is no typical historical biography but a multifaceted biographical reportage, written lightly yet drawing on solid research techniques used by historians as well as correctly anchored in source material. The novelty here consists in original interviews with Bierut’s former collaborators as well as persons who have come into contact withhim. This has allowed the Author to offer Bierut’s both microscale – referring to his personallife – and macroscale picture (the latter by sketching his figure against broader constituent partsof a historical process).
EN
The article contains an analysis of the nature of the parliamentary debate concerning equal rights of men and women – including protection of children’s rights – that took place at the Polish Legislative Sejm in the period from 1947 to 1952. The discussion offered here applies the method of critical analysis of the content of available source material as well as the biographical method seeking to answer the questions who were the female MPs fighting for women’s rights in the period of Stalinism and whether their activity proved their agency. The source basis is transcripts of Sejm sittings, the press and literary memoirs. Female MPs such as M. Jaszczukowa, E. Pragierowa, I. Sztachelska, S. Garncarczyk and Z. Tomczyk were seeking to amend legislation so as to ensure the practical implementation of the gender equality principle. That was also a flagship slogan of the new communist people’s authorities at the start of the period known in historiography as Poland’s Stalinisation. Standards and regulations were debated that were to constitute a legal environment, and thus to make it possible for women to be active in various fields on an equal footing with men. The discord between postulates justified by ideology and cultural norms did not stop legislative amendments. The female MPs initiating that change could have felt the sense of agency and their actions certainly contributed to other changes towards gender equality in Poland of that time.
PL
Artykuł zawiera analizę charakteru debaty sejmowej dotyczącej równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn, z uwzględnieniem problematyki ochrony praw dzieci, która toczyła się w Sejmie Ustawodawczym RP w latach 1947–1952. W podjętych rozważaniach wykorzystano metodę krytycznej analizy treści dostępnych materiałów źródłowych oraz metodę biograficzną, poszukując odpowiedzi na pytanie, kim były posłanki walczące o prawa kobiet w okresie stalinizmu, a także, czy ich aktywność nosiła znamiona sprawczości? Podstawę źródłową stanowią sprawozdania stenograficzne z posiedzeń sejmu, prasa oraz literatura wspomnieniowa. Intencją posłanek, m.in. M. Jaszczukowej, E. Pragierowej, I. Sztachelskiej, S. Garncarczykowej oraz Z. Tomczyk, była realizacja postulatu zmiany przepisów prawnych w taki sposób, aby zasada równouprawnienia kobiet stała się możliwa w praktyce. Było to również sztandarowe hasło przedstawicieli nowej, komunistycznej władzy ludowej i jednocześnie początek okresu określanego w historiografii mianem stalinizacji kraju. Procedowano normy i przepisy, które miały stworzyć warunki prawne, a tym samym urealnić możliwość podejmowania przez kobiety aktywności na różnych polach na równi z mężczyznami. Istniejący dysonans pomiędzy postulatami uprawomocnianymi ideologią a normami kulturowymi nie przeszkodził w nowelizacji prawa. Posłanki inicjujące te zmiany mogły mieć poczucie sprawstwa, a ich działania z pewnością przyczyniły się do zmian na rzecz równouprawnienia płci w Polsce tego okresu.
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