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Lud
|
2010
|
vol. 94
121-142
EN
The article discusses the incorporation of globally spread socio-political categories by groups from outside the Western cultural circles. The author aims to explain the reasoning behind these ideas and how they are translated into the practice of everyday life. As an illustration of the problem she has chosen the discourse on animal rights and vegetarianism as the 'new Tibetan tradition', since during several years of field research in the camps of Tibetan refugees in India she had the opportunity to follow the birth of the idea and its development. Refugees are an interesting group to analyze such phenomena, because they are part of what is called the 'international refugee regime' and are forced to engage in a dialogue with the dominant discourses. The article shows that although the participants of the dialogue do not have equal rights, it can be the source of the group subjectivity, and the group uses it to accomplish their own objectives. Eric Hobsbawm's concept of 'invention of tradition' has been used to analyze the process.
Lud
|
2014
|
vol. 98
181-204
EN
In the article I pose a question to what extent expectations towards the “authentic” experiencing of the Otherness shaped by the tourism industry determine the way tourists perceive it, and to what extent such perception escapes the interpretative schemes imposed by tourism imaginaries. I use the case study of tramping tourism to India – an alternative to the mass tourism, individualized but organized form of collective travelling. Tramping builds its attractiveness on the promise of “real” contact with the people and their culture; it offers the possibility of having a look “at the backstage” of the spectacle staged by the tourism industry. Particularly, it promises to fulfil a need for, as Tom Selwyn named it, “hot authenticity” that can be experienced by multisensory reception of the reality. In other words, tramping promises the tourists that they can be “non-tourists”. However, fueling this need often overwhelms tourists who are used to perceiving the reality through a distancing gaze. While thrown into multisensory-scapes, they cannot handle the surplus of impulses. I call this phenomena “overheating with authenticity in experiencing of Otherness”. It leads to seeking refuge in familiarity and sense of belonging provided by “people like us”, i.e. travel companions, and the culture broker played by a tour guide. Moreover, overheating with authenticity may contribute to reproducing the nature versus culture dichotomy, crucial for Saidian Orientalism, in which the world of senses ascribed to the Other is positioned as subaltern to the restrained, guided by the rational view “the West”. Therefore, I call not only for moving beyond the visualism of Western epistemology by including sensorial experiences into our cognitive spectrum, but also for taking into account other physical sensations present in the tourist contact with Otherness, which usually escape the researchers’ (overvisualised) attention.
Lud
|
2009
|
vol. 93
69-91
EN
The largest Tibetan diaspora in the world lives in India. This year it is celebrating fifty years of its existence. A large percentage of this community are 'born refugees' - a young generation, who have never seen Tibet and the only reality that they know of is India. What is striking is a very limited impact of the Indian culture on the view and attitudes of young Tibetans. Young Tibetans have an ambivalent attitude to their 'new motherland'. On the one hand they realise that Indian authorities have offered their families an asylum and have extended considerable financial support within the framework of refugee adaptation schemes. They know that they should be grateful for that. At the same time, however, they feel like second class citizens - they have no electoral rights, they have no passports, they cannot buy land. In everyday life Tibetans hardly ever make friends with members of a host society. Marriages with them are even less frequent. They perceive them as xenophobic and dull. They oppose Buddhist equality to social inequalities imposed by the caste system. They despise the Indian policy for corruption and exploitation; they do not trust the Indian justice system. This article attempts to answer the question how young Tibetans born in India perceive Indian culture and how they minimise its influence upon their own lives. The author also discusses the extent to which such practices are the result of the intentional policy of the Tibetan Government in Exile, oriented to non-assimilation and building of a pan-Tibetan identity in the diaspora
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