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1

Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu

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Bartyzel J.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2014
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vol. 36
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issue 2
7 - 33
EN
The protagonist of the article is Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola (1917–1978) — philosopher of law and politics, theorist of natural law, professor of Universities of Salamanca, Seville and Madrid, one of the most distinguished exponents of 20th-century Spanish traditionalism, associated with the legitimist monarchist movement known as Carlism (named after Don Carlos de Borbón). The author of the article focuses on the thinker’s attitude to the theory and practice of Francoist dictatorship, aperiod coinciding with the philosopher’s almost entire creative life. That attitude evolved considerably, aprocess in which three stages can be distinguished. In the first and shortest stage, between 1939 and 1941, Elías de Tejada was an enthusiast of the national-syndicalist state and theorist of the caudillaje system of power. In the second stage (1941–1955), starting from a distinction between dictatorship and caudillaje, now equated only with rightful and traditional monarchy, he became aradical and intransigent opponent of General Franco’s personal dictatorship, calling it scornfully “Caudiland” and seeing the authoritarian regime as one of the forms of political modernism and totalitarianism, contrary to the Spanish and Catholic tradition. In the third stage (from 1955 to Franco’s death), while not changing his critical opinion of the regime and its leader, he tended to pursue a“possibilistic cultural policy” within the regime, promoting traditionalistic values and assuming that the dictatorship could evolve into atraditional monarchy.
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„Problem teologiczno-polityczny” w konfrontacji meksykańskiego liberalizmu i katolickiego konserwatyzmu

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Bartyzel J.
Horyzonty Polityki
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2012
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vol. 3
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issue 5
35-61
PL
Tematem artykułu jest antynomia światopoglądowa pomiędzy ideologią liberalizmu o charakterze jakobińskim i agresywnie antyreligijnym a konserwatyzmem katolickim, których konfrontacja, także zbrojna, stała się zasadniczą treścią społecznej i politycznej historii niepodległego Meksyku, zwłaszcza od czasu tak zwanej Rewolucji Meksykańskiej (1910–1917). Zwycięzcy liberałowie, wykorzystując całą siłę aparatu administracyjnego, edukacyjnego i militarnego państwa, podjęli wówczas działania zmierzające wprost i otwarcie do instytucjonalnego unicestwienia Kościoła katolickiego. W części pierwszej artykułu przedstawiono kolejne fazy rewolucji liberalnej, począwszy od działań zmierzających do ustrojowej dekonfesjonalizacji państwa meksykańskiego, uwieńczonych indyferentną wyznaniowo Konstytucją z 1857 roku oraz ograniczającymi wolność Kościoła ustawami o randze konstytucyjnej, zwanych Prawami Reformy, poprzez proklamowanie światopoglądowej laickości państwa i nauczania oraz formalno-prawną likwidację Kościoła jako ciała korporacyjnego postanowieniami Konstytucji 1917 roku, aż po konstytucjonalizację (w 1934 roku) tak zwanej edukacji socjalistycznej, czyli ateistycznej i antyreligijnej, na wszystkich szczeblach nauczania. W drugiej części zaprezentowano poglądy i dążenia kontrrewolucji katolickiej, począwszy od XIX-wiecznych rojalistów i Partii Konserwatywnej, poprzez katolicyzm społeczny, inspirowany nauczaniem papieży Leona XIII i Piusa XI, powstanie zbrojne tak zwanych cristeros przeciwko tyranii Callesa, po narodowo-katolicki ruch synarchistyczny. Prezentacja obu powyższych fenomenów ideowych prowadzi do konkluzji, że „problem teologiczno-polityczny” w kontekście meksykańskim przejawiał się jako „walka na śmierć i życie” dwu narodów: „narodu indygenistyczno-liberalnego” i „narodu hiszpańsko-katolickiego” oraz dwu religii: „politycznej religii”, będącej mieszanką liberalizmu, pozytywizmu, socjalizmu, wolnomularstwa i sztucznie wskrzeszanych mitów prekolumbijskich, oraz objawionej i dogmatycznej religii katolickiej.
3
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O metafizyczny sens polityki. Metapolityka eschatologiczna Prima Sieny

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Bartyzel J.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2007
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vol. 18
201-216
EN
The matter of this essay is the metapolitical conception of Italian-Chilian thinker Prima Siena. Origins of this conception are philosophy of Attilio Mordini and thought of Silvano Panunzio – thinkers who tried to renew the medieval “imperial theology”. There are three rudimental categories in Siena’s conception: politics, crypto-politics and metapolitics. Politics is the core of ideal state (Politea), that is seen from three perspectives: as a subject of political science, as a subject of political philosophy, as a subject of reasonable practical acting (governing). Crypto-politics is the transition from natural political order to the contemporary crisis of values and institutions – this crisis manifests itself, inter alia, in cultural homogenization, economic materialism and totalitarianism of particracy. Metapolitics is – intentionally – a recapture of metaphysical and sacred meaning of politics. In panoramic view Siena shows the slip off (el deslizamiento) the theological and metaphysical meaning of politics (which dominated in Christian tradition and medieval Christianitas) and a fall down into the anthropological and naturalistic meaning of politics. The question of Siena is: is there any possibility to recapture the metapolitics as a “sacred science” which can bring nearer politics and transcendence. This question is the continuation of the thread from the Second Letter to the Thessalonians – the idea of “what withholdeth” (το κατεχων; qui tenet) the Antichrist’s coming. Siena interprets the idea of “what withholdeth” (το κατεχων) as an eschatological destination of Roman America civilization (América Románica).
4
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Krzysztof Karczewski, „Tradycja, imperium, geopolityka. Eurazjatyzm w ujęciu Aleksandra Dugina jako alternatywa wobec liberalizmu i demokracji liberalnej”, Wyd. Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2017, str. 488

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Bartyzel J.
Społeczeństwo. Edukacja. Język
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2020
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vol. 10
PL
DOI: 10.19251/sej/2019.10(9)
5

Synarchizm meksykański (1931–2009): geneza, dzieje, doktryna. Część II (1945–2009)

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Bartyzel J.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
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2010
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vol. 32
195-241
EN
The second part of historical-and-doctrinal study devoted to National Synarchist Union (UNS; Unión Nacional Sinarquista) in Mexico discusses in parallel both factions of this movement which came into existence after UNS’ breakup at the end of 1944. The specific feature of the first of these currents, commonly called independent (independiente) synarchism or – from the initials of its first leader (jefe) Manuel Torres Bueno – UNS-MTB, was an effort to transform hitherto civic-and-social movement into a political party which was supposed to participate in the election process. It was not a simple endeavor due to certain provisions of Electoral Code which were restrictive towards Catholics. Using legal pretexts the authorities did not permit the registration of religious political parties for a long time; they also often delegalized already registered parties. It was not until so-called “democratic openness” (apertura democratica) in the Seventies that Mexican Democratic Party (PDM; Partido Demócrata Mexicano), created by this faction of UNS, came relatively close to being a permanent fixture in the panorama of official political life. Persistent attempts on the part of some members of UNS-MTB to build a party structure ultimately resulted in the establishment – in the year 2008 – of Solidarity Party (PS; Partido Solidaritat). These actions, however, evoked strong internal tension and crisis in synarchistic movement: activists supporting civic-and-social orientation proposed alternative vision of movement remaining outside political system the goal of which was to allow the Mexican people to regain their sovereignty and cultural identity and to build participative (participative) and communitarian (comunitaria) version of democracy. The characteristic feature of the second current, commonly called dissident (disidente) synarchism or-again from the initials of its first leader Carlos Athié Carasco – UNS CAC, was an attempt to continuously adhere to ideological deposit (modified as little as possible) of “historic” synarchism, and particularly to its social, national and religious “mystique”. Such attitude made this faction a sort of “soldier-monks order”. This faction also came under the influence of covert Catholic organization, founded in 1955 (according to other sources – in 1953) under the name of El Yunque (“anvil” in Spanish) by a group of students of the Autonomous University in Puebla whose leader was Ramón Plata Moreno (1935–1979). The name El Yunque, which alluded to words spoken by martyred bishop Saint Ignatius from Antioch (“Be unbending like anvil hit by hammer”, Sta firmus ut incus, quae percutitur in Latin), expressed mystical-and-heroic ethos of the organization the declared purpose of which was to build a Catholic state or “God’s Kingdom on Earth” (El reino de Dios en la Terra in Spanish) in Mexico. The organization’s modus operandi was establishment of overt “façade structures” (fachadas or membretes in Spanish) and infiltration of its activists into various social movements, economic associations and political parties – particularly into the conservative Party of National Action (PAN; Partido Acción Nacional). In the final part of the article the author analyzes the political situation in Mexico from the year 2000 when PAN, for the first time in history, achieved power. The disclosure of the fact that in governments of both consecutive Catholic Presidents (V. Fox Quesada and F. Calderón Hinojosa), in federal Parliament and in regional state structures there were many former or present members of El Yunque caused a hot and intense debate in which the voice of lay Left, warning against “clerical-and-fascist dictatorship”, appeared dominant.
6
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Kosmos i natura ludzka w antropologii Williama Shakespeare’a

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Bartyzel J.
Horyzonty Polityki
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2010
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vol. 1
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issue 1
149-180
PL
Jacek Bartyzel, Cosmos and Human Nature in William Shakespeare’sAnthropology. The article is concerned with the ambiguity of the term ‘nature’ inShakespeare’s dramas. The term is closely connected with the conceptof ‘order’ meaning the hierarchical system of beings in the cosmosand – analogically – in the human cosmion. However, the naturalnessof this order is subject to various interferences caused by the disruptionof ‘degrees’. This polarity of order and disorder, naturalness and unnaturalness is translated in the human world into two concepts ofnatural law. The first contains the quality of the objective ordo whichis inscribed in human nature and which is recognized by one’s conscienceas moral dictates of the righteous reason; it corresponds to classicalconcepts of natural law – the ones of Aristotle, Cicero and SaintThomas Aquinas – a law that is eternal, unchanging and of the divineorigin. The second identifies natural law with the laws of nature wherenature is interpreted as phýsis (from Greek), the laws that were alsoin existence in the pre-social natural state. This concept treats moraldictates as social conventions, contracts and customs, the use of whichdepends on usefulness. This kind of view corresponds to the traditionof sophists as well as to Machiavelli and Hobbes. Based on the analysisof the anthropological vision presented in King Lear and in Troilus andCressida, the author concludes that, while giving voice, in accordancewith the principles of dramatic art, to representatives of both concepts,Shakespeare tends to prefer the first one.
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