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1

Ukraińcy w województwie gdańskim w latach 1956–1970 w świetle archiwaliów aparatu bezpieczeństwa PRL

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Słabig A.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2011
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vol. 76
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issue 3
57-99
EN
In the years 1956–1970 in Gdansk voivodeship there probably lived over 6,000 people of Ukrainian origin. They were displaced persons who had been deported there in the “Akcja Wisła” campaign (1947) from Lublin and Rzeszów voivodeships. Representatives of the old immigration connected with the former Free City of Gdańsk constituted only a small percentage of the Ukrainians. The authorities attempted to assimilate the Ukrainians totally through making it impossible for them to return to their former places of residence, supporting them financially, and satisfying their basic cultural, educational and religious needs. For this purpose they established the Ukrainian Social-Cultural Society (UTSK), which in practice was the only legal organization for the Ukrainian minority in Poland, apart from a number of quasi-official Greek Catholic pastoral units. The abovementioned organizations were strictly controlled to prevent spreading nationalistic ideas which collided with the policy of the authorities. If it was necessary, people suspected of subversive action were eliminated from public life. The units of the state administration (the Social-Administrative Department and the Department for Denominational Affairs of Presidium of Voivodeship People’s Council) and the political secret police (from the end of 1956 known as Służba Bezpieczeństwa – Security Service) cooperated to control the Ukrainian community. The dynamics of their activity depended on the personnel conditions, the political situation in Poland and the performance of the Ukrainians. The official control of the Ukrainians and other ethnic minorities was a permanent phenomenon and goes beyond the scope of this article. The security office closely watched activists of the Ukrainian Social-Cultural Society (UTSK), Greek Catholic priests, former members of the underground movement and people maintaining contacts with their relatives in the Soviet Union and in the West. Once it had been decided that their activity exceeded acceptable limits, various coercive measures were employed from the so-called preventivewarning talks down to imprisonment. It created the impression of the Security Service’s ‘omnipresence’ and ‘omniscience’, which strengthened the feeling of distrust of Poles. That is why the Ukrainian minority in the People’s Republic of Poland was given the name of the community ‘under close surveillance’.
2

Pozostać czy wyemigrować? Autochtoni i Ukraińcy w województwie pilskim w latach 1975–1989 w dokumentach Służby Bezpieczeństwa

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Słabig A.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2013
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vol. 78
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issue 2
59-97
EN
In the Piła Province established in 1975, two small groups of inhabitants were recorded who diff ered from the rest of the population in terms of their origin and cultural identity. They were indigenous inhabitants (Polish natives) and Ukrainians deported there within the “Akcja Wisła” campaign (1947). Indigenous inhabitants who lived mainly in the area of Złotów were referred to as Krajniacy. Compared with other communities from the former Polish-German borderland, Krajniacy identified themselves most strongly with Polishness and found it relatively easy to adjust to new social-political conditions after WWII. Ukrainians from south-east Poland were subjected to a long-lasting process of assimilation. Dispersed in a foreign surrounding, they found it diffi cult to maintain their cultural and religious identity. The deterioration of Poland’s economic situation aft er 1975 made many young indigenous inhabitants and Ukrainians leave the country. The former emigrated mostly to West Germany, which provided them with full civic rights and social benefits; the latter chose Canada – a country inhabited by over a million of people of Ukrainian origin. Some of them became social activists. They revived the activity of the Ukrainian Social-Cultural Society and institutions of the quasi-official Greek Catholic Church. Some indigenous inhabitants expressed their will to join bodies open only to people of German national identity, which had not yet been legalized. Ukrainians and representatives of the Polish indigenous population were considered “suspicious” and, until the end of 1989, they were invigilated by the Security Service. The article is based on the documentation of operational activities connected with cases under the operational code-names of “Moor” and “Ideowcy”.
3
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Sprawa kryptonim „Działacz”. Inwigilacja środowiska białoruskiego w Szczecinie na przełomie lat pięćdziesiątych i sześćdziesiątych ubiegłego stulecia

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Słabig A.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2011
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issue 1(17)
297-332
EN
This article looks at the problem of surveillance of the Belarusian activists’ circle in Szczecin during the 1950s–1960s. Young Belarusian from the Bialystok region set up, in the spring of 1957, a regional branch of the Belarusian Social and Cultural Society [Białoruskie Towarzystwo Społeczno-Kulturalne, BTSK]. Michał Artyszewicz, a student of the University of Technology, was chosen as its first chairman. During a favourable period of time of the Khrushchev Thaw, Belarusian activists started integrating with each other and propagating their native culture. Not only did they manage to establish contact with many compatriots living at home and in exile but also they were able to acquire a lot of books and newspapers such as: widely popular weekly Niwa (published under the auspices of the BTSK Executive Board in Bialystok) and Baćkauszczyna (appearing in Munich). But from the very beginning Szczecin’s activists encountered many difficulties. To some extent, those disadvantages resulted from the „experimental” character of the Society and from the simple fact of being engaged in its activity far away from the territories inhabited by Belarusians. What is more, a direct consequence of a small number of the BTSK members were both – lack of financial allocation to the BTSKs regional branch from the national budget as well as having no own premises. In such circumstances, the existence of the Belarusian Society in Szczecin depended solely on the degree of involvement of its leaders. Their removal from the BTSKs leadership meant the end of its activity. This situation was deliberately used by the security service agents who put Artyszewicz under long-standing pressure. By carrying out operational activity code-named “Działacz” [“Activist”] they tried to recruit him as a secret collaborator or at least to isolate him from the Belarusian circle. Due to the fact that Artyszewicz maintained close ties with Belarusian activists in the West, security agents wanted to use him to penetrate the emigrants’ circles in exile. The alleged “nationalist activity” of Artyszewicz was only a pretext to control both him and other BSTKs members. To make this operation possible, apart from agent’s network, it was also necessary to use representatives of the administrative authority. Eventually, security service agents managed to liquidate the regional branch of the BSTK in Szczecin despite of the fiasco of their plan to conduct operational activity against Belarusian circles operating behind the Iron Curtain. Polish reality of the “little stabilisation”-time did not accept the existence of social structures which differed from those promoted by the Polish state.
4
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Działalność społeczno-polityczna Ukraińców w Polsce w okresie tzw. karnawału „Solidarności” (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Pomorza Zachodniego)

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Słabig A.
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
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2021
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vol. 36
325-349
EN
The Ukrainian community in Poland, remembering the breakthrough in the nationalities policies that occurred in the years 1956–1958, attempted to benefit from the political turning points that took place in the following decades. The social activists, acting on behalf of their compatriots, sought to undo the effects of the Operation Vistula by: obtaining consent for mass returns to the South-East of the country, reclaiming the lost property, full reconstruction of the Greek Catholic Church, protection of the Ukrainian cultural heritage, and development of education with the Ukrainian language of instruction. Unsuccessful attempts at implementing these postulates were already made in the years 1968–1971. The 1970s, despite initial appearances of renewal of political life, were perceived by the Ukrainians as a time of further regress in their position. Ukrainian system of education rapidly dwindled, the voivodship structures of the Ukrainian Socio-Cultural Association (US-CA ) were cancelled, and the traditional place names in the Polish-Ukrainian borderland were Polonized. Ukrainian activists decided to once again profit from the specific atmosphere of the period 1980-1981, favourable to grassroots societal activity, and implement the most significant postulates of their community (petitions formulated in Przemyśl and Szczecin). They firmly responded to the attempts by the communist authorities to discredit the Ukrainian minority on the nationalistic basis (case of the Member of Parliament Włodzimierz Oliwa). The younger generation attempted to form their own student organization modelled on the Independent Students’ Association. These efforts failed with the authorities’ refusal and imposition of the Martial Law. A lasting achievement of the period of so called “Solidarity” Carnival were fully legal Ukrainian Sections within the licensed student organizations (SZSP/ZSP), reconstruction of the voivodship structures of the US-CA, and improvement of their office housing conditions. It was a convenient starting point for the Ukrainian activists to take active part in the political transformation during the years 1989–1990.
PL
Społeczność ukraińska w Polsce, pamiętając przełom w polityce narodowościowej jaki nastąpił w latach 1956–1958, starała się wykorzystać do poprawy własnego bytu przesilenia polityczne w Polsce mające miejsce w następnych dekadach. Działacze społeczni występując w imieniu swoich rodaków starali się przekreślić skutki akcji „Wisła” poprzez: uzyskanie zgody na masowe powroty na południowy wschód kraju, rewindykację utraconego majątku, pełną odbudowę Kościoła greckokatolickiego, ochronę ukraińskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego i rozbudowę szkolnictwa z ukraińskim językiem nauczania. Nieudane próby realizacji tych postulatów podejmowano już w latach 1968–1971. Lata 70., mimo początkowych pozorów odnowy życia politycznego, były postrzegane przez Ukraińców jako czas dalszego regresu w ich położeniu. Szybko kurczyło się „ukraińskie” szkolnictwo, zlikwidowano struktury wojewódzkie Ukraińskiego Towarzystwa Społeczno-Kulturalnego, a także dokonano polonizacji tradycyjnego nazewnictwa miejscowości na polsko-ukraińskim pograniczu. Specyficzną atmosferę okresu 1980–1981, sprzyjającą oddolnej aktywności społecznej, działacze ukraińscy postanowili ponownie wykorzystać do realizacji najbardziej istotnych postulatów swego środowiska (petycje opracowane w Przemyślu i Szczecinie). Zdecydowanie reagowali na podejmowane przez władze komunistyczne próby wykorzystania wątków nacjonalistycznych do dyskredytacji mniejszości ukraińskiej (sprawa posła Włodzimierza Oliwy). Młodsze pokolenie podjęło próbę stworzenia własnej organizacji studenckiej wzorowanej na Niezależnym Zrzeszeniu Studentów. Wysiłki te zakończyły się fiaskiem wraz z odmową władz i wprowadzeniem stanu wojennego. Trwałym osiągnięciem z okresu tzw. karnawału „Solidarności” i późniejszej wymuszonej stabilizacji było powstanie w pełni legalnych ukraińskich sekcji w ramach koncesjonowanych organizacji studenckich (SZSP/ZSP), a także odbudowa struktur wojewódzkich UTSK i poprawa bazy lokalowej. Był to dla ukraińskich działaczy społecznych dogodny punkt wyjścia do wzięcia aktywnego udziału w transformacji ustrojowej w latach 1989–1990.
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