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EN
The result of last presidential elections in Poland proves significantly to what extent the symbolic arguments referring to the suddenly broken political mission may be utilized as promoting factors for a given candidate. Without any doubts such a phenomenon was demonstrated during the election campaign by growing importance of Jarosław Kaczyński, leader of the national-catholic Law and Justice (PiS) political party and a twin-brother of Lech Kaczyński, former president, who died tragically in the air crash near Smolensk in April 10, 2010. The leader of PiS thanks his revitalized charisma and determination became an unexpected serious rival for the Sejm speaker, Bronisław Komorowski, a candidate for presidency on behalf of the Civic Platform (PO), a ruling liberal-conservative party. The article’s author – as far as the efficiency of both candidates during the campaign is concerned – represents the stance that Kaczyński lost his chance to be elected president mostly because of too short period of the election campaign. On the other hand Komorowski’s chances to become a head of state were maintained not because of his contribution in the campaign, which was poor and inefficient. He would not have been elected without the shift of election preferences from the leftist voters on him, namely those who voted in the first election round for Grzegorz Napieralski, leader of the Democratic Left Alliance.
PL
Reagowanie opinii publicznej na wypełnianie obowiązków przez przedstawicieli klasy politycznej w bardzo niewielkim stopniu wpływa na autokrektę postępowania osób do niej należących. Nie dopomaga w tym intensyfikacja - drogą medialną - komentarzy ekspertów na temat polityki i działań polityków. W rezultacie wzrasta społeczne przeświadczenie o braku szans na jakościową zmianę, demonstrowane przez niską frekwencję wyborczą, zatem pomniejszające rangę i skalę decyzji podejmowanych przez elektorat w Polsce.
EN
The reaction of the pubic opinion to the way in which Polish politicians fulfil their duties does not lead to the letter auto-correcting their behaviour. This is made still more difficult by the opinions expressed in the madia by experts on the politics and the politicians' actions. As a result there is an increased belief in the society that there is no chance for any qualitative change, resulting in low voter turnout, which lowers the rank and scale of the decisions made by the Polish voters.
EN
The reaction of the public opinion to the way in which Polish politicians fulfil their duties does not lead to the latter auto-correcting their behaviour. This is made still more difficult by the opinions expressed in the media by experts on the politics and the politicians’ actions. As a result there is an increased belief in the society that there is no chance for any qualitative change, resulting in low voter turnout, which lowers the rank and scale of the decisions made by the Polish voters. At the same time there occurs an increased oligarchization and tribalisation of Polish politics at the party and state level manifested by the phenomenon of political rentierism and pollcracy, and the re-election obsession which drives many politicians. In this way the chasm between the electorate and the chosen representatives grows, which may result in a danger that the balance of power may become upset; what is caused by both: the ruling parties and the opposition. The possible consequence of such a course of events may be the increased rank of populism able to disturb this balance, but in fact not interested in revolutionary changes. Petrifaction of such tendencies also has a negative influence on the perception by the public opinion and the politicians themselves of the Polish political science as incapable to correct the behaviour of the political class. The need to change this unfavourable situation is a premise of the presented analysis, especially as in the stable democratic systems it is the political scientists who make up an important segment of the advisors and forecasters influencing the political practice.
EN
The discussion about nation and ideas connected with it has a long tradition, tremendously multithreaded and varied in interpretations. We are practically unable of counting all attempts to create the definition of a nation. They are all more or less precise, for understandable reasons reflects their author's social and cultural experiences, reaching for specific metaphors, and sometimes being a form of intellectual provocation. A conception of a nation is strongly tied to the category of minority, especially the ethnic minority. Both those definitions are often used in turns. A very interesting issue is analyzing the connections between nationalism and religion.
EN
The Polish State, with due regard to the time constraints on its continuity, is perceived from the perspective of more than a thousand years. Simultaneously, as an organised entity with its own values, it has been a mental problem for Poles since the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries and is continued until now. Thus, the reflections here have been restricted to the mentioned period because it is then that the main drawbacks of the Polish State began to occur. They include a description of these major flaws as we understand them and their effects. We often express the belief that our state disappeared from the map of Europe mainly due to the actions of our aggressive and finally partitioning neighbours. However, in doing so, we distance ourselves from the mistakes in managing the state made by the generations of our ancestors. This article analyses and exemplifies a deeper, critical academic reflection on these errors committed internally during the mentioned period and visible until today.
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