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EN
The study follows the trajectory of a group of re-emigrants who took an active part in the partisan (antifascist, or Communist) resistance movement during the Second World War in Yugoslavia and who established their own partisan unit, the Czechoslovak Brigade of Jan Žižka. After the war, partisans with Czechoslovak citizenship decided to answer the call from Czechoslovakia, and they and their families settled the areas from which the old German residents had been expelled. After their arrival, the state welcomed them as antifascist heroes (freedom fighters), but at the local level, they were accepted as undesired “outlanders”, “other Czechs”, or “Yugoslavians”. After Cominform issued its first resolution, the regime of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia stigmatized them as being “unreliable for the state”. After the fall of the Communist regime in 1989, they found themselves in a position of memory bearers, a position that did not correspond to the contemporary hegemonic anti-Communist narrative. Due to this fact, the second generation of re-emigrants in particular feels that their ancestors have been unjustifiably erased from history, their legacy and imagined family honour unrecognized. At their own commemorative meetings, they clearly demonstrate their dissatisfaction with the contemporary exclusion of their partisan ancestors from the post-Communist national narrative. I argue in the text that the perceived non-ethnic otherness in the past alongside their historical experience and the contemporary postCommunist politics of memory led the re-emigrants to the formation of their own memory community (and thus identity).
EN
The study reflects adaptation and economical working mechanisms of a selected religious community of expatriates (reformed Evangelists who came from south-eastern Moravia) that in the mid-19th century settled in the multiethnic village of Velké Srediště in current Serbian Banat. The migration of monitored colonists from Central Europe was associated with the process of overcoming the moment of discontinuity (leaving the place of origin) through their adaptation in the new settings. The text presents institutional mechanisms that were used by the newcomers to overcome the stage of discontinuity, which brought doubts on the future life in the new settings. Based on written sources we assume a thesis that this social group brought a functioning social organization from Moravia to southern Hungary – an autonomous congregation community with own standards, forms of farming, confessional school and family religious education. The follow-up to the pre-migration model of a religious organization translocated by migration participants was based on the fact that it was time-honoured, tested and functioning. Through examples of several practices of this adopted model I argue that this was a social practice which significantly facilitated and accelerated the process of gradual adaptation in the new settings.
EN
This study deals with dissonant memory processes through the example of post-war displacements of population – 1) voluntary (re)emigration of Czechs from Yugoslavia, who replaced the original German population in the Czechoslovak borderlands, and immanently also 2) of those forcibly displaced “silenced Others”. The text observes the practice of silencing inconvenient memories and shows, through the example of the participants in the post-war (re)emigration to Czechoslovakia, how this complex memory legacy is approached. Taking Czech families displaced from Yugoslavia as an example, the research on the generational transmission of family memory offers replies through the identification of narrative strategies which they used and which lead to their cumulative victimization. This practice demonstrates historical implications – power dynamics reflecting the complex stage of the post-war social, cultural and political development in Czechoslovakia. I believe that considering historical implications allows us to problematize the established unproductive binary oppositions and analytical categories (perpetrators vs. victims; voluntary vs. forced migration), and last but not least, it suggests possible ways of bringing the silenced memory of those forcibly displaced – the “silenced Others” to mind.
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