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EN
The Convention on Safeguarding of Intangible Heritage arises from the need of including in the discourse on heritage the non–western ways of living the past. We could say that if the Convention from 1972 was aimed at realizing the UNESCO political agenda on the ground of the Western modern utopian project of universalism, the Convention of 2003 puts in motion the post-modern utopia of relativism, yet without renouncing the modern tools with which to realize it. According to the 2003 Convention, it is the multiplicity of value systems, and the heritage as their expressions put in the inventory, that become the assets of humanity construed as a community (UNESCO’s political objective). The multicultural character of heritage affirmed in the Convention from 2003 has an emancipatory meaning: the subaltern, peripheral value systems are given, at least in theory, the same position as the so far dominating value system of the colonizers. In a decentralized world Europe becomes a province in the same way as the rest of the world, and the Indian, Japanese or Australian perspective is equally valid as the European of American. However, the Convention on Safeguarding of Intangible Heritage, which is supposed to enhance the status of phenomena not included in the 1972 Convention, located outside the authorized heritage discourse, requires different safeguarding strategies. First, as it is a human activity that gets protection, and not at all, or to the less extend the material result of this activity, what is not valid here is the safeguarding by conservation, which is the basic strategy in the case of the objects inscribed in the World Heritage List. The crucial strategy in safeguarding of intangible heritage is education which includes the skills and rules into intergenerational transmission. The institutions and persons involved in safeguarding of intangible heritage are first and foremost required to provide suitable conditions for the future development of a cultural practice declared heritage. What is safeguarded are the living cultural traditions, and not their historical reconstructions. The safeguarding based on education can also result in broadening the group of depositaries of a practice which will become being practiced outside of its community of origin. On the other hand, a living practice will evolve and change, and of crucial importance is then the continuity of traditional system of intergenerational transmission. The article addresses several questions related to implementation of the 2003 Convention in Polish cultural context. Some heritage–related notions involved in discursive practices within the field of humanities and social sciences in Polish academic tradition are discussed, and history–related production of hierarchies within the field in Polish academia pointed at in the context of the heritage of local subalterns (peasants) and minorities. The social impact of these practices is exposed, as they have influenced both the translation of international documents and their reception, as well as the safeguarding practices. The local developments are contextualized within the international conservation and heritage studies discourse.
EN
Pierre Bourdieu argues that in modern times, every aesthetic choice is a factor of social classification. His theory demonstrates that the judgment of taste is socially constructed and at the same time itself serves to establish social distance and hierarchy. In his analysis of kitsch, however, Tomaš Kulka posits that kitsch cannot come under the judgment of taste since, by its very definition, it is devoid of 'artistic value', which is the basis of any aesthetic judgment. From the structural point of view, argues Kulka, kitsch is not art at all. Since most miraculous images worshipped by Christians are quite different from those worshipped in museums, the applicability of the judgment of taste to so-called 'religious art' should clearly be called into question. The article quotes examples from field research to argue that the factors deemed essential for judging religious images by people who use them in their religious practice suggest that their evaluation should be based on concepts such as the Gadamerian indistinguishability or Michael Taussig's mimesis rather than on modern aesthetic values.
EN
The study comes out of the fieldwork done in Wesola near Warsaw, and consists of open interviews on preferences in religious imagery and art that always used to be inaugurated by a talk over a selection of religious prints and images provided by the interviewer. The analysis of the research material clearly shows that the preference is given to the images that can easily evoke the prototype. It is presented all the time that the image of Madonna is the first of all her image. The images, that are not recognized sufficiently, make the informants feeling uncomfortable, and are not highly appreciated. The judgment of taste is applied to the valorization of religious images - and the images of Madonna - only in a limited scope: it is used towards the images that had been previously recognized as Madonna's representations, preferably copies of some known and venerated miraculous image. In this process the judgment of taste resulted to be a tool for defining social and cultural distance.
Ikonotheka
|
2008
|
vol. 21
213-224
EN
Modernity has developed complex mechanisms of esthetic valorization, based on formal and artistic qualities judged by the taste. However, as Pierre Bourdieu has shown in his studies, the judgment of taste is in fact the main modern means for social differentiation. At the same time, according to David Freedberg, these mechanisms obscure the inborn human attitude towards images which consists of mixing up the represented with the representation, and subsequently prevent modern educated audiences from natural response to the images classified as art. Modern perception of religious imagery can be a sensitive example of a field where the classificatory role of the esthetic judgment is particularly well visible because the religious purpose of an image calls both for different hierarchy of values than the one found in the modern field of art, and different image ontology. The article is based on field material consisting of in-depth interviews with Catholic believers, conducted in Wesola near Warsaw, and three major pilgrimage sites of Poland: Czestochowa, Lichen and Kalwaria Paclawska. Wesola was chosen because of the outstanding decoration of its parish church of Divine Providence, executed by a modern painter from Cracow, Jerzy Nowosielski and highly appreciated by art critics and specialists. However, the style of decoration proved very unfamiliar and strange for the local believers. The article attempts to show the hierarchy of values used by the believers towards the religious images, and then to explain this hierarchy both in terms of Joanna Tokarska-Bakir's interpretation of image ontology in so-called 'folk piety'. In spite of similar understanding of image ontology apparently shared by the artist and the believers, social distinction made by the mechanisms of esthetic judgment resulted in form unfamiliar to them and lack of appreciation of the work.
XX
Report on the proceedings of the cultural heritage section of the 1st Anthropological Congress in Warsaw (October 23-25, 2013).
XX
Reprint: "Konteksty. Polska Sztuka Ludowa", 2004, R. LVIII, nr 3-4, s. 206-208.
Lud
|
2015
|
vol. 99
139-159
EN
Late in the twentieth century anthropological research on heritage, which in earlier years had focused on objects (historic monuments) and space (lieux de mémoire), started changing its perspective, concentrating mainly on heritagisation, understood as a process, and on social actors (states, associations, individuals) involved. The research presented in the article is part of this current; it is aimed at grasping characteristics of heritagisation of things related to religious cults in the Serbian Orthodox Church. In the article, I focus on a particular group of historic objects defi ned both in Serbian expert discourse of art history and by museum practices as ‘zograf icons’. I present the process of grounding their meanings constructed in heritagisation in Serbian national imaginarium. Heritagisation practices such as musealisation of icons and their conservation form the starting point for refl ection on their religious setting, as well as the relationships between two sets of practices focused on them, and subsequently two value sets in which they are called ‘heritage’. Because of their specifi c geographic provenance, some questions of heritagisation of churches and monasteries on Fruška Gora in Serbian Vojvodina have also been discussed.
PL
„Nie możemy doświadczyć świata z perspektywy innych, możemy jednak podzielać ich doświadczenie społeczne” – napisała duńska antropolożka Kirsten Hastrup. Z perspektywy własnej obecności w polu dizajnu, która wiąże się z podzielaniem doświadczenia społecznego projektantów na różne sposoby, chciałabym zaproponować fenomenologiczną refleksję nad „procesem projektowym”. Jako antropolożka i etnografka łączę działalność badawczą z pracą dydaktyczną na uczelni kształcącej projektantów. W różny sposób współpracuję i współpracowałam z projektantami: przy prowadzeniu zajęć, w projektach badawczych, przy wystawach i wspólnych publikacjach. Z tych pragmatycznych powodów usiłuję znaleźć język pozwalający opisać procesy, których jestem częścią, jednocześnie próbując zrozumieć metody pracy z materią w różnorakiej formie. Staram się też proponować narzędzia refleksji, które mogą się okazać pomocne dla projektanta i studentów pracujących nad swoimi projektami. „Proces projektowy” to pojęcie stosowane przez samych projektantów, którego sens starali się uchwycić wszyscy najważniejsi piszący o projektowaniu autorzy. Chciałabym poddać je refleksji przez pryzmat takich jego właściwości jak nie-hylemorficzne rozumienie kreatywności oraz relacja z tworzywem, ujmowana w Ingoldowskich kategoriach „podążania za materiałem”.
EN
Danish anthropologist Kirsten Hastrup has declared that if “We cannot experience the world from the perspective of others, we can still share their social experience.” My own perspective in the field of design – which involves sharing the social experience of anthropologists in a number of ways – encourages me to offer a phenomenological reflection on the “design process.” My position as an anthropologist and ethnographer combining her research with teaching at a design school has resulted in collaboration with designers in co-taught courses, research projects, exhibitions, and publications. The different pragmatics of ethnography and education have encouraged me to develop tools for a discursive rendering of the processes in which I partake: both for my own research purposes and for designers and design students to use in reflecting on their own activities while working on their projects. “Design process” is an emic, designerly expression, defined by the most prominent writers on the topic. I attempt to reflect on its non-hylemorphic understanding of creativity and its contextualisation within the Ingoldian sense of following the material.
EN
All the accounts presented by guides showing Warsaw to assorted visitors contain a considerable dose of martyrology: much is said about violence. The material reality of the Muranów district, however, entails non-remembrance. The original project launched by Lachert was to recall violence, but its ideological premises, which compelled people to inhabit grey housing estates made out of rubble-concrete, were rapidly tamed so that it became possible to forget. Oxygenator, realised in the summer of 2007 by Joanna Rajkowska, countered the project of a monument commemorating the victims of the Volhynian Massacre, immersed in a plebeian aesthetic of the macabresque and emotions straight out of a horror movie. What does 'restoring memory' to Warsaw and Muranów actually denote? Does it signify a mere process of bringing up to date the narration of a non-existent town, and of including into the memory of the Second World War motifs which for many years remained outside the official discourse? The answer is: yes, or even: above all else. This, however, also means a restoration of the memory of the residents of post-war Muranów - in other words, understanding the phenomenon of non-remembrance.
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