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WILL ATLANTIC BRIDGE WITHSTAND SHOCKS?

100%
Menkes J., Czarny E.
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
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2017
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vol. 17/2
33-47
EN
The authors analyzed changes in the Atlantic policy of the United States as part of the political strategy of President Donald Trump.They acknowledged that they were of temporary nature though definitely harmful from the point of view of the interests of the parties, The changes deny the entire post-war US political strategy towards the transatlantic space and the world. At the bottom of recognizing this change as temporary turbulence was the assessment of the significance of the sources of the transatlantic “community of values”. The conclusions have been formulated on the basis of factors that, on the one hand, mark the EU’s convergence with the US and Canada and on the other, the divergence between EU-US-Canada and countries outside the Western Hemisphere.
PL
Autorzy przeanalizowali zmiany polityki atlantyckiej Stanów Zjednoczonych w ramach strategii politycznej prezydenta Donalda Trumpa, Uznali, że mają one charakter doraźny acz zdecydowanie szkodliwy z punktu widzenia interesu stron, Zmiany zaprzeczają całej powojennej strategii politycznej USA wobec przestrzeni transatlantyckiej i świata. U podstaw uznania tej zmiany za przejściowe turbulencje legła ocena wagi źródeł transatlantyckiej „wspólnoty wartości”. Wnioski sformułowano na podstawie czynników wyznaczających z jednej strony konwergencję UE z USA i Kanadą z drugiej dywergencję pomiędzy UE-USA-Kanadą a państwami nie należącymi do zachodniej hemisfery.
2
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CHANGES IN THE EXPORT COMPETITIVENESS OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP AND GERMAY IN YEARS 2004-2014 – IS THERE CONVERGENCE?

100%
Czarny E., Żmuda M.
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
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2017
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vol. 17/2
49-64
EN
We analyse the changes in the export competitiveness of the Visegrad Group founding members: Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary (V4). We treat these changes as a demonstration of the V4’s ability to catch up with the most developed EU countries, in this study represented by Germany. The analysis covers the years 2000- 2014, where 2000 sets the moment when the pre-accession adjustments took place, and 2014 is the last year with available relevant statistical data. The study covers a period of 15 years, during which – in our opinion – long-term changes should be visible. In order to emphasize important events that took place within the years under investigation (accession of the V4 countries to the EU and the collapse of world trade), we divide the analysed period into two sub-periods, distinguishing the years 2004 and 2009. The changes are presented chronologically to evaluate the evolution of the V4 export competitiveness within the entire 15-year period. Discussion of the results is preceded by the introduction concerning the concept of competitiveness and the presentation of research methodology.
PL
W tym opracowaniu analizujemy zmiany konkurencyjności eksportu z państw założycielskich Grupy Wyszehradzkiej: Polski, Czech, Słowacji i Węgier (grupa V4). Te zmiany traktujemy jako przejaw doganiania państw najwyżej rozwiniętych, w tym opracowaniu reprezentowanych przez Niemcy. Badanie obejmuje lata 2000-2014. Początkiem badania czynimy rok 2000, w którym następowały dostosowania przedakcesyjne, zaś jego końcem – ostatni rok, z dostępnymi, interesującymi nas, danymi statystycznymi (2014). Badanie obejmuje okres 15 lat, w trakcie których – jak sądzimy – powinny być zauważalne zmiany długookresowe. Żeby podkreślić istotne momenty, jakie nastąpiły w latach objętym badaniem (akcesja państw V4 do UE oraz zapaść światowego handlu), dzielimy analizowany okres na dwa podokresy, wyróżniając lata 2004 i 2009. Zmiany przedstawiamy chronologicznie, dokonując analizy ewolucji konkurencyjności w całym 15-leciu. Omówienie wyników poprzedza wprowadzenie dotyczące pojęcia konkurencyjności oraz prezentacja metodyki badania.
3
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Nationality of Poland's Exports

100%
Czarny E., Śledziewska K.
Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociology
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2017
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vol. 8
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issue 16
87-108
EN
ln this paper, we analyse the materiał structure of Polands exports of goods to the European Union and to the United States. In a general presentation of Polish exports, we aggregate all other trade partners than the EU and the U.S. to the 'Rest of the World' (RoW). We use descriptive statistics to check whatgoods are subject to export from Poland. We analyse data on various levels of aggregation. We prove that Polish exports aggregated to the CN sections and HS2 product groups to both destinations seem to be of higher technological advancement than export disaggregated to the HS6 product classification. On the higher level of aggregation, the material structure of Polands exports to the EU and the U.S. look more similar than those analysed on the more disaggregated level. We look at the material structures of exports to both partners from the point of view of the producers as well. We study Poland's exports of goods to the EU and the U.S. based on the HS6 classification and analyse the leading producers of the most important goods in sales to both partners. We show that most of them are affiliates of the foreign companies.
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EUROPEAN UNION AND EUROPEAN GERMANY

100%
Czarny E., Menkes J.
Oeconomia Copernicana
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2015
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vol. 6
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issue 4
7-27
EN
We analyze the correlation between the European integration and incorporating Germany into the process of European cooperation. We point out that the European integration after WWII was determined by the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community in the year 1951. This Community made it possible to control the steel industry of the Member States (among them Germany) within the framework of the common market. It was aimed at stable and harmonized development, as well as at preventing an uncontrolled growth of military-industrial complex, increasing the production for the army and decreasing the probability of the outbreak of the next war. Then - after the deepening of cooperation (taking her new areas) – the European Communities (EC) were created. They are still institutional foundations of the EU. One of the main reasons of the EC creation was the willingness to ensure lasting peace in Europe and to create „security community” through a.o. incorporation of Germany into the group of cooperating states. In this paper, we analyze the security system components created (e.g.) by the EC/EU, as well as the origin and changes of their characteristics. We compare the process of German unification (and more general: of defining the German unity, and broader: unity of the German speaking territory) after WWI and WWII. The analysis of similarities and differences leads us to the present stage of the European integration, when the unification of two German states was accomplished for the price of German acceptance of deepening of the integration and the creation of the European monetary union. We analyze various consequences of unification of Germany and the creation of the euro zone. In our opinion, they go far beyond the economic or political ones, and are connected with the EU Eastern enlargement.
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WORLD TRADE AND REGIONAL TRADE ORIENTATION IN THE CONTEXT OF FORTHCOMING TRANSATLANTIC TRADE AND INVESTMENT PARTNERSHIP

100%
Czarny E., Folfas P.
Equilibrium. Quarterly Journal of Economics and Economic Policy
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2015
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vol. 10
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issue 3
105-128
EN
We analyse potential consequences of the forthcoming Trade and Investment Partnership between the European Union and the United States (TTIP) for trade orientation of both partners. We do it so with along with the short analysis of the characteristics of the third wave of regionalism and the TTIP position in this process as well as the dominant role of the EU and the U.S. in the world economy – especially – in the world trade. Next, we study trade orientation of the hypothetical region created in result of TTIP. We use regional trade introversion index (RTII) to analyze trade between the EU and the U.S. that has taken place until now to get familiar with the potential changes caused by liberalization of trade between both partners. We analyze RTII for mutual trade of the EU and the U.S. Then, we apply disaggregated data to analyze and compare selected partial RTII (e.g. for trade in final and intermediate goods as well as goods produced in the main sectors of economy like agriculture or manufacturing). The analysis of the TTIP region’s orientation of trade based on the historical data from the period 1999-2012 revealed several conclusions. Nowadays, the trade between the EU and the U.S. is constrained by the protection applied by both partners. Trade liberalization constituting one necessary part of TTIP will surely help to intensify this trade. The factor of special concern is trade of agricultural products which is most constrained and will hardly be fully liberalized even within a framework of TTIP. Simultaneously, both parties are even now trading relatively intensively with intermediaries, which are often less protected than the average of the economy for the sake of development of final goods’ production. The manufactured goods are traded relatively often as well, mainly in consequence of their poor protection after many successful liberalization steps in the framework of GATT/WTO. Consequently, we point out that in many respects the TTIP will be important not only for its participants, but for the whole world economy as well. TTIP appears to be an economic and political project with serious consequences for the world economy and politics.
6
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Wpływ integracji walutowej na handel międzynarodowy – analiza teoretyczna

100%
Czarny E., Śledziewska K., Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie; Kolegium Gospodarki Światowej; Instytut Międzynarodowych Stosunków Gospodarczych, Uniwersytet Warszawski; Wydział Nauk Ekonomicznych; Katedra Makroekonomii i Teorii Handlu Zagranicznego
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Oeconomica
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2012
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vol. 273
EN
In this paper we analyze how the participation in an monetary union is influencing trade among the member states as well as with third countries. We are especially interested, whether we can expect trade intensification as a result of participation in a monetarny union. Separately we analyze what kind of gains (direct and indirect, permanent or short time) is connected with the participation in a monetary union and what conditions have to be fulfilled for achieving these gains. We also compare trade gains and costs of participation in a monetary union. This last topic we analyse from the point of view of the representatives of two main streams of economic thinking: the Keynesian and monetaristic one.
7
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Perspektywy rozwojowe a system politycznogospodarczy. Studium przypadku wybranych państw europejskich

81%
Czarny E., Folfas P., Menkes J.
Optimum. Studia Ekonomiczne
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2016
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vol. 4(82)
PL
W artykule poddano analizie związki między systemem polityczno-gospodarczym a możliwościami rozwojowymi państwa. Zastosowano interdyscyplinarne podejście wykorzystujące narzędzia nauk: ekonomicznych, prawnych i politycznych. Zweryfikowano powszechnie przyjmowane założenie będące podstawą transformacji systemowej w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej, zgodnie z którym spośród gospodarek doganiających względnie lepsze wyniki osiągają gospodarki otwarte, oparte na systemie demokratycznym i gospodarce rynkowej. Jednocześnie posłużono się podstawowymi wskaźnikami makroekonomicznymi w odniesieniu do: Polski, Chorwacji, Białorusi i Serbii. Porównano zmiany ich: PKB, PKB per capita, eksportu, bilansów handlowych oraz wielkości napływu bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych (BIZ). Badaniem objęto okres 2000-2014 (lub 2013 rok). Weryfikacja założenia o dodatniej korelacji pomiędzy wprowadzeniem w życie zasad społeczeństwa demokratycznego, państwa prawa i gospodarki rynkowej a sukcesem gospodarczym na podstawie wybranych danych makroekonomicznych okazała się niemożliwa. W szczególności, jej nieprawdziwości zdają się dowodzić Białoruś i Chorwacja. Można w tym widzieć dowód zawodności tezy lub efekt czynników zakłócających.
EN
The author analyzes the relationship between the political and economic system and the development possibilities of a country. An interdisciplinary approach is used, including analytical tools from the fields of economics, law and politics. The author verifies the well-known assumption - lying at the roots of the transition in Central and Eastern Europe, that better results are achieved by open, free-market and democratic countries rather than closed and non-democratic ones. Basic macro indicators, such as GDP, GDP per capita, exports, trade balance and FDI inflows, are used to analyze the economic performance of Poland, Croatia, Belarus and Serbia in the years 2000-2014 (or 2000-2013). However, the verification of the abovementioned assumption has proved to be impossible due to the macro data illustrating the economic performance of Belarus and Croatia. Therefore, the popular conviction of a positive correlation between economic success and economic openness, free market policies, and democratic principles is either false, or there are some distorting factors.
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Umowa o Partnerstwie Handlowo-Inwestycyjnym między Stanami Zjednoczonymi i Unią Europejską jako narzędzie międzynarodowej współpracy gospodarczej

81%
Czarny E., Menkes J., Śledziewska K.
International Business and Global Economy
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2014
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vol. Volume 33
199–213
EN
In the paper we analyze the Trade and Investment Partnership between the United States and the European Union indicating its specific character. It comes with the parties’ particular characteristics (i.a. one party to a contract, the EU, is a collective entity).Weexamine both parties to the agreement and their position in the international trade in goods and services. The point of reference is global economy and BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). We also examine the EU and the USA trade relations. The examination covers the years 1995–2012.Weprove that the unification allows both the EU and the USA to take advantage of their significant role in the world trade to increase their impact on the global economic order. EU-US free trade and the agreement conclusion shall allow to intensify trade in services, and FDI flow shall allow to increase the advantage over BRIC countries (primarily China) and to make their economies independent from the instability of the emerging markets.
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