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EN
With the arrival of the age of social media, traditional sources of information were complemented by new sources, characteristic of online technologies. These new sources are becoming increasingly important. Given its nature, Twitter is particularly well-suited to reporting on natural and other disasters, demonstrations, riots, wars, unexpected and rapidly changing events, with which the traditional media often can no longer keep up. As any other source of information, Twitter is not perfect. There are fake accounts, misleading twits, hacked official accounts of people or institutions, unconfirmed pieces of news, confabulations and digitally modified photographs or films. “Twitter? I won’t touch it. It’s all garbage,” wrote one media expert. However, Twitter is a source of information, both personal and impersonal, official and unofficial, found and created, a source of both first- and second-hand information; it is a postmodern source, in which information flows on a scale hitherto unknown in the traditional media.
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EN
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza politycznych fake newsów w kontekście procesów mediatyzacji. Analizie poddano trzy fałszywe wiadomości: o posiadaniu broni masowego rażenia przez reżim Saddama Husajna; o sprzedaży broni terrorystom z ISIS przez Hillary Clinton; o rzekomym zabójstwie rosyjskiego dziennikarza Arkadija Babczenki. Ponadto omówiono: specyfikę, genezę, rodzaje, rolę i znaczenie fake newsów w kształtowaniu opinii publicznej oraz w działaniach politycznych. Na podstawie przedstawionych case studies można wnioskować, że geneza politycznego fake newsa związana jest zawsze z potrzebami i interesami politycznymi, a jego celem jest walka z wrogiem lub eskalacja konfliktu. Autorami fake newsów są najczęściej organizacje polityczne, agencje wywiadu wojskowego, tajne służby specjalne itp. Fake newsy silnie oddziałują na nastroje i opinię publiczną oraz często prowadzą do zmiany sytuacji społeczno-politycznej, a w sytuacjach ekstremalnych – do działań wojennych.
EN
In the article, I analysed the problem of fake news in the context of the traditional paradigm of a news story. The traditional paradigm posits that, most of all, a piece of information is true. However in contemporary media, there exist pieces of information which are fabricated and untrue. It is not a new phenomenon, yet it has intensified in recent years. News stories are fabricated for entertainment, political, or commercial purposes. They are carriers of propaganda and profit. The essence of fake news is the intentional misleading of the receiver for achieving the above gains. It is difficult to verify their veracity, and identify fake news items due to their similarity to real pieces of news. That is why they are becoming a part of the media landscape in which we will probably have to exist.
EN
The paper discusses the relations between investigative journalists and authorities on the example of American and Polish political scandals. In most cases, the journalists’ attitude and professional solidarity influenced the success of the journalistic investigations. Mutual support mobilized public opinion that was interested in revealing the scandals. The authorities generally disregarded the allegations against them, however, the stubbornness and consistency of the journalists and the pressure of public opinion influenced the development of political initiatives and led to political consequences.
PL
W artykule omówione zostały stosunki zachodzące pomiędzy dziennikarzami śledczymi a władzą na przykładzie amerykańskich i polskich afer politycznych. W większości przypadków na sukces dziennikarskich śledztw wpływała postawa dziennikarzy i solidarność zawodowa. Wzajemne wsparcie mobilizowało opinię publiczną, która była zainteresowana wyjaśnieniem afer. Władza na ogół lekceważyła zarzuty wysuwane pod jej adresem, jednakże upór i konsekwencja dziennikarzy oraz naciski opinii publicznej wpływały na rozwój inicjatyw politycznych i prowadziły do politycznych konsekwencji.
EN
The author presents in this article mutual connections between West Mazowsze and the Teutonic Order in years 1381-1411. The politics of West Mazowsze in this period can be identified with politics of prince Siemowit IVth. After his father's death in 1381 he became a ruler of the following lands: płocka, zawkrzeńska, rawska, gostynińska, sochaczewska and wiska. Prince Siemowit IVth remained neutral and even friendly before the Teutonic Order for a long time. In years 1382-1385 prince participated in fight for Polish throne. From 1386 he was considered to be a confederate of King Władysław Jagiełło. He took part in discourses (negotiations) with the Teutonic Order as a plenipotentiary of Polish king. In spite of this, relations with the Teutonic Order were still good. Politics of prince Siemowit IVth was very adequate before King Jagiełło and the Teutonic Order, as well. His main political principle was oscillating between them. It can be concluded, that this kind of politics brought many interests (goods) for Mazowsze land. Siemowit IVth was welcome favourably on the court in Cracow and in Malbork, as well. But situation became very difficult for him when the war between Poland and the Teutonic Order broke out (1409) Prince Siemowit IVth probably did not participate in fighting in that time. He remained neutral. But in the 4th of July 1410 (under the influence of King Jagiełło) he declared war to the Teutonic Order. Then he organised two companies for Grunwald campaigne under his son - Siemowit Vth command. Siemowit IVth also took part in negotiations in Toruń (1411). Summing up, we can say that relations between West Mazowsze and the Teutonic Order were in general proper. There were more periods of friendship and neighbourly co-operation than periods of mutual enmity.
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