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1

„Oczy szeroko zamknięte” — czyli o tym, co jest , a czego nie widać w nowych polskich muzeach o II wojnie światowej

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Lorenc M.
Oblicza Komunikacji
|
2017
|
vol. 10
99-115
EN
Museums have always been political institutions. Owing to this engagement, they are not neutral and they should not claim objectivity. Facts and artefacts at an exhibition exemplify the assumed hypotheses. This means that visitors are objects of manipulation. In case of the Warsaw Rising Museum, which was the first narrative museum in Poland, World War II was a trial, which the first victim of the German aggression — the Polish nation en bloc — underwent successfully. Th at was a time of heroes who should be imitated. The decision about the rising was right, even though the capital and its population were annihilated as a result of it. In contrast, in the Museum of World War II in Gdańsk, the war was a tragedy for the whole humanity and a hecatomb of the civilian population, with the presentation of the history of Poland nation as just one of many. If there were heroic deeds, they were individual and exceptional. Heroism was not only combat. Survival was the aim. This means that the first museum is about “men’s adventure”, which is fighting among faithful comrades — it’s a hymn of praise to the valour of the Poles under German occupation. The more innocent the victims, the higher the factor of heroism. By contrast, the other museum is a warning — every war is first of all a failure of humanity. These two interpretations of the events of World War II differ from each other as the target groups of both exhibitions are different. Supporters of the Warsaw Rising Museum do not accept the Museum of World War II and vice versa; they often voice opinions about something they did not have a chance or did not even feel like to see. These institutions are reflections of political disputes which divide Poles into supporters and opponents of certain historical policies which are pursued by making use of museums and in relation to them.
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Amerykańska wizja pokoju na Bliskim Wschodzie. Od „małych kroków” Henry’ego Kissingera do mediacji Jimmy’ego Cartera

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Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2007
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issue 2
57-73
EN
An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger’s ‘little steps’ to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington’s influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called ‘J. Carter doctrine’) the US President said that every “attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America” and thus it “will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force”. The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat’s death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt.
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„Obok. Polska – Niemcy. 1000 lat historii w sztuce” jako przykład wystawy politycznej

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Lorenc M.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2013
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issue 2
163-176
EN
The objective of the paper is to analyze and assess the institutional conditions of the exhibition entitled Side by Side. Poland – Germany. 1000 years of Art and History, organized in Martin-Gropius-Bau in Berlin between September 23, 2011 and January 9, 2012. In terms of the number of works of art presented this undertaking was unprecedented in the history of Polish- German relations. The exhibition, and the catalogue that accompanied it, were a part of the Cultural Program of the Polish Presidency in the EU Council in 2011, becoming an exemplification of the issue of the politicization of exhibition discourse, where works of art are utilized for political purposes. The theoretical inspiration for considering this topic was provided by Peter Vergo’s concept presented in his text The reticent object of 1987. In Vergo’s opinion, exhibitions are a cultural fact which is relatively rarely investigated in terms of the means, efforts, conditions and reasons that are necessary for their execution. And yet these institutional conditions, including their financing, the procedures for selecting the entities in charge of the project, the mechanisms for appoint the program board and honorary patronage have a considerable influence on the nature of the exhibition. Concentrating on institutional contexts serves the purpose of answering the question of how the realms of politics and art exhibitions permeate one another. The decisions made by the authorities to become involved in certain exhibition projects constitute the instruments for creating and executing selected public policies, primarily cultural policy. It is therefore impossible to assess the success of a given initiative without considering the political objectives set and achieved by the organizers of the exhibition Side by Side.
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Antecedencje konfliktu arabsko-izraelskiego

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Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2006
|
issue 2
9-35
EN
The Author was prompted to ponder the origins of the Arab – Israeli conflict by the over-fifty-year-long danger posed to international safety by the instability in the Middle East. It has inspired an analysis of the historical, political, legal and international conditions that led to the reconstruction of the territorial status quo and the foundation of the Israeli State in 1948.
PL
The Author was prompted to ponder the origins of the Arab – Israeli conflict by the over-fifty-year-long danger posed to international safety by the instability in the Middle East. It has inspired an analysis of the historical, political, legal and international conditions that led to the reconstruction of the territorial status quo and the foundation of the Israeli State in 1948.
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Formy eskalacji sprzeczności w stosunkach międzynarodowych – analiza pojęciowa

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Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2003
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issue 2
25-42
PL
Current international relations are a forum for an incessant articulation of needs and interests. This process results from progressing globalization and the actual disappearance of the borders of information exchange. Every form of activity of a given international subject, or their group, shall not remain overlooked by the remaining participants of international relations, irregardless of the distance between them. Therefore, all international subjects whether primary or secondary, who undertake certain activities are aware of exerting a simultaneous influence on the remaining elements  of  the  international  system. Therefore, „presence” on an international arena is not static but it is a dynamic process stimulated by a chain of actions and reactions by particular subjects. In the era of globalization the matter of security and threats for security assumes particular importance. Increased interdependence determines the necessity to create a stable system of controls to prevent the threat of a global war or a military conflict. Therefore, it is of utmost importance to be aware of the processes of contradiction escalation and the ability to react appropriately in case discomforting phenomena are identified. This is impossible unless the definitions and the essence of contradiction, dispute, conflict, crisis, war and military conflict are known. The notion analysis that concentrates on the treaty stipulations prompts to expand the research of differences between the above notions. Primarily, though, it emphatically condemns the shameful practice of applying these notions interchangeably, as if equivalent, both in popular articles and in research papers.
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Temat polityczny w sztuce krytycznej na przykładzie Fear and Trembling Grzegorza Klamana

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Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2012
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issue 4
193-206
EN
The objective of the paper is to emphasize political themes as inspiration for artists and an interpretational key for the works of so-called critical art, based on the example of Fear and Trembling by Grzegorz Klaman from 2007. The analysis concerns the installation and its exhibition context of the third review of modern art, Mediations Biennale, entitled Niepojmowalne/The Unknown, held in Poznań, Poland, from September 14 to October 14, 2012. Fear and Trembling refers to Søren Kierkegaard’s book by the same title from 1843. The issue tackled by the Danish philosopher, and referred to by the Polish artist, concerns the relation between ethics and faith. Klaman’s installation is a form of statement about a reality where one’s religious outlook has a bearing on one’s political decisions and can lead to armed conflict. Examples of religious arguments used in order to justify violence are provided, among others, by the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict over Palestine.
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Do ut des, czyli rzecz o darze w dyplomacji. Przypadek siodła z daru sułtana Mustafy II dla posła Stanisława Małachowskiego z 1699 roku

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Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2014
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issue 4
81-110
EN
The paper attempts to answer the question of the reasons and consequences of applying the ceremonial custom of exchanging gifts in Polish-Turkish diplomatic relations in the 17th century. The ‘gift’ was understood as an object presented, that was typically valuable and whose acceptance meant entering into a binding agreement. It signified that the recipient obliged himself to perform a defined obligation for the donor, or it acted as a kind of compensation for a favour granted. The exchange of gifts  was governed by the reciprocity principle. Therefore, an object that was a diplomatic gift brought about defined international consequences by virtue of having involved the representatives of the authorities of two states. The acts of presenting a gift and its acceptance were a kind of transaction. These considerations on the practice of presenting objects in diplomacy were inspired by the saddle offered by Turkish Sultan Mustafa II to Stanis³aw Ma³achowski, the Polish envoy for peace talks held in Kar³owice in 1698–99. Currently, the saddle is exhibited in the Wawel Royal Castle museum. The subject of the present paper is an episode in the saddle’s “biography” (as named by Igor Kopytoff) related to its role as a diplomatic gift. Telling the story of the given thing, however, it was impossible to pass over the issue of “its ideal ‘biography’” and of what has become of this thing as time went by and it lost its usability. The saddle as a thing, a gift or a museum exhibit illustrates the different statuses of the same object which are determined by the context of its relations with the human, relations that assign meanings to this object. Given the aim of this paper, the first and the last function of the saddle are treated only superficially, whereas the considerations concentrate on the saddle as a thing displaying the property of agency in the ceremonial process of exchanging gifts in Polish-Turkish diplomatic relations.
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Muzeum (nie)pamięci. Koń a Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego

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Lorenc M.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2017
|
issue 2
205-216
EN
The permanent exhibition at the Warsaw Uprising Museum, which has been on display since 2004 (continuously since 2005) is a text of culture – a construct that is not free from power and politics. The political nature of the Museum does not, however, determine its value, but rather represents a diagnosis of the social reality where culture is a space of ideological confrontation. The view that the Museum is politically entangled in organisational and ideological terms is neither demeaning nor ennobling for a cultural institution. However, it requires that the Museum surrender its claims of neutrality in a situation where, by decision of its creators, it occupies a defined position in the discourse, as illustrated by the omission of the history of animals – victims of war – in the exhibition. Meanwhile, the new humanities provide the new museum (and also the traditional one) with trends that unmask the author of the narrative and demystify the objective nature of that narrative. They allow us not only to identify and explain the reasons why the WUM left out the wartime history of animals, but also to show how and why those issues should be thought about, discussed and presented in a different way.
PL
Prezentowana od 2004 roku (nieprzerwanie od 2005 roku) wystawa stała w Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego jest tekstem kultury – konstruktem niewolnym od władzy i polityki. Polityczność Muzeum nie przesądza jednak o jego wartości, a jedynie stanowi diagnozę rzeczywistości społecznej,w której kultura jest obszarem konfrontacji ideologicznej. Teza, że Muzeum jest uwikłane politycznie pod względem organizacyjnym i ideologicznym, nie jest deprecjonujące ani nobilitujące dla instytucji kultury. Wymaga jednak od Muzeum rezygnacji z roszczeń do neutralności, w sytuacji w której, decyzją swoich twórców, zajmuje ono w dyskursie określoną pozycję, czego przykładem jest pominięcie na ekspozycji historii zwierząt – ofiar wojny. Tymczasem nowa humanistyka oferuje nowemu muzeum (ale i tradycyjnemu) nurty, które demaskują twórcę narracji i demistyfikują jej obiektywny charakter. Pozwalają one zobaczyć i wyjaśnić powody pominięcia wojennej historii zwierząt w MPW, ale i wskazać, jak można i dlaczego powinno się inaczej o tych kwestiach myśleć, mówić i je pokazywać.
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Polityczność sztuki. Analiza pracy Zbigniewa Libery pt. LEGO. Obóz koncentracyjny z 1996 roku

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Lorenc M.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2012
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issue 3
81-96
EN
The objective of the paper is to analyze Zbigniew Libera’s Lego. Concentration Camp from 1996, which is considered to be one of the most important Polish works of art in the 1990s. Lego exemplifies the problem of the politicality of art which consists of art’s involvement in politics. The considerations on the permeation of the fields of politics and esthetics constitute a sig- nificant part of the work of French philosopher Jacques Ranciere, whose concepts provide the theoretical foundations for the analysis of Libera’s Lego. The juxtaposition of toys with the symbol of the Holocaust raises questions about the role of art in uncovering the discourse of power as understood by Michel Foucault, the influence of public policies (cultural, educational policies and the policy towards the past) on art and the borders of commercialization and trivialization of the symbols of collective memory. Libera’s Lego is a transgressive work, representing the trend of so-called critical art in modern Polish art. The artist used artistic methods to break the cultural taboo that concerns the presentation of the non-presentable. Libera showed the past and the present, the former by re- ferring to the topic of the Holocaust, indicating the pragmatism of the Nazi system, and the lat- ter by uncovering the laws of the teaching process, carried out by means of repeating patterns. Above all, however, Libera showed that artistic activity can be a form of expressing interests and can influence the shape of public policies.
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“The Monument of Wojtek the Bear” or Polish Projects to Commemorate Animals Involved in World War II

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Lorenc M.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2015
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issue 3
139-151
PL
Pomnik nie jest imitacją czy reprezentacją przeszłości, lecz konstruktem kulturowym. Dobór tematu i sposób jego przedstawienia w rzeźbie pomnikowej, są świadectwem tego, co dana grupa uznała za ważne i godne upamiętnienia. I choć traktuje o tym, co minione, to przede wszystkim dotyczy rzeczywistości, w której został stworzony. Jest odpowiedzią na zapotrzebowanie. Powstałe w Polsce w latach 2013–2014 pomniki Wojtka, przyczyniły się do utrwalenia i rozpowszechnienia wyobrażeń o niedźwiedziu-bohaterze spod Monte Cassino. Eksponując wątki patriotyczne i symbole narodowe, losy niedźwiedzia powiązano z historią Polski w okresie i po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej. Dbałość o klarowny i jednoznaczny przekaz, którego treścią była nietypowa relacja między Wojtkiem i żołnierzami Armii Andersa, spowodowała pominięcie kwestii przedmiotowego traktowania zwierzęcia. Tym samym nie wykorzystano szans na sproblematyzowanie losów niedźwiedzia w niewoli człowieka.
EN
A monument is not an imitation or representation of the past, but a cultural construct. The choice of a theme and the way it is presented in a monumental sculpture show what a particular group considered important and worthy of commemoration. Although it refers to the past, it is primarily concerned with the reality in which it was created. It is a response to a demand. The monuments of Wojtek which were founded in Poland in 2013-2014 contributed to the consolidation and dissemination of ideas about the bear-hero of Monte Cassino. By exposing patriotic themes and national symbols, the fate of the bear has been linked with the history of Poland during and after World War II. This clear and unequivocal message about the unusual relationship between Wojtek and the Anders’ Army soldiers does not mention how the animal was treated. Thus, the chance to problematize the fate of the bear in man’s captivity has been missed.
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Polska opinia publiczna wobec działań PKW w Afganistanie i Iraku

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Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2008
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issue 2
275-288
EN
The attitude of public opinion in Poland towards the activity of the Polish Military Contingent (PMC) in Afghanistan and Iraq was initially (in 2001-2002) quite enthusiastic. This was the consequence of solidarity with the United States after the terrorist attacks on the WTC and the Pentagon. However, even then the majority of respondents were skeptical about the Polish Army’s involvement in the ‘war on terror’. As time passed by a majority of Polish society no longer believed that Poland would obtain any political or financial benefits. The conviction that the losses had prevailed over the benefits emerged at the end of 2003 and it remained until the PMC deployment in Iraq ended. The benefits were only perceived in terms of the global image of Poland.
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The Postulate of Grounded Theory in the Perception of the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk in Terms of Political Science

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Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2020
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issue 4
27-58
PL
Celem tekstu jest wykazanie użyteczności teorii ugruntowanej w politologicznej analizie Muzeum II Wojny Światowej w Gdańsku. Pytanie podstawowe sprowadza się do tego, jak badać źródła świadczące o zideologizowaniu przestrzeni muzeum publicznego? Aby na nie odpowiedzieć odwołano się do koncepcji Kathy Charmaz i Adeli Clarke, dostrzegając w nich niewykorzystany potencjał dla badań jakościowych prowadzonych na gruncie nauk o polityce. Oznaczało to odejście od „klasycznych” wersji teorii ugruntowanej, stworzonych przez Barney’a G. Glasera i Anselma L. Straussa, na rzecz podejść uwzględniających tzw. zwrot postmodernistyczny oraz syntezujących konstruktywizm i konstrukcjonizm społeczny. Analizie poddano dane pozyskane ze źródeł pierwotnych i wtórnych, dotyczących osi głównej wystawy stałej. Punktem wyjścia były terenowe badania własne, których wyniki porównano z danymi z wywiadu z architektami muzeum oraz z transkrypcji fotografii. Inspirując się procedurami zgodnymi z nieklasycznymi wersjami teorii ugruntowanej wykazano, że oś główna wystawy stałej zaprojektowana została jako liberalny manifest wolności. Przesądziło to o przynależności przedmiotu analizy do pola badawczego politologii. Zastosowane rozwiązania przestrzenne stanowiły świadectwo woli twórców, aby zwiedzającym zapewnić swobodę przemieszczania i gromadzenia się. Uznano je za kategorie konceptualne, powiązane z brakiem dedykowanej trasy zwiedzania oraz ogromem przestrzeni będącej w dyspozycji zwiedzających. Analiza porównawcza kodów i kategorii doprowadziła jednak do wygenerowania jeszcze innego tropu interpretacyjnego, związanego z utożsamieniem wolności z alienacją. „Swoboda” uległa, tym samym, problematyzacji.
EN
This article aims to demonstrate the applicability of grounded theory in the analysis of the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk in terms of political science. The fundamental question is how to examine the sources which exhibit the ideological character of the space of public museums? In order to answer this question, the concepts by Kathy Charmaz and Adela Clarke are referred to, which have been noticed to offer unused potential for qualitative research conducted in the field of political science. This meant departing from the “classical” versions of grounded theory, created by Barney G. Glaser and Anselm L. Strauss, in favor of what is called “a postmodern turn,” and approaches which synthesize constructivism and social constructionism. Data obtained from primary and secondary sources concerning the main axis of the core exhibition were analyzed. The starting point was my own field research, the results of which were compared with the data from an interview with the museum’s architects and the transcription of a photograph. Inspired by procedures compliant with the non-classical versions of grounded theory, it was demonstrated that the main axis of the core exhibition was designed as a liberal manifesto of freedom. This determined the subject of analysis to be a part of the research field of political science. The spatial solutions applied testified to their designers’ intention to provide visitors with freedom of movement and assembly. They were considered as conceptual categories, related to the absence of a dedicated sightseeing route and the vastness of the space left for visitors. A comparative analysis of codes and categories, however, made it possible to identify yet another interpretative trope, related to the identification of freedom with alienation. In this way, “liberty” has become problematized.
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Banksy a sprawa palestyńska – przypadek jednego politycznego muralu w Betlejem

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Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2013
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issue 4
143-158
EN
The aim of this paper is to analyze a mural, namely a large wall painting, depicting in this case a white dove with wings spread, carrying an olive branch in its beak and wearing a bulletproof vest, which is in the crosshairs of an unseen weapon. The mural was painted in Bethlehem, Palestine, in 2007 and is attributed to the best known British graffiti artist, who goes by the nickname of Banksy. This white dove mural exemplifies how art can be used for political purposes. This is a gesture of support for the Palestinian issue, namely the Palestinian right to land and, at the same time, it is an expression of criticism of the behavior of Israelis in the territories occupied as a result of the six-day war of 1967. The artist utilized the medium of an urban space painting, with symbols that are easy to understand and interpret in order to convey a political message, while obtaining the following results: the esthetic outcome of making an urban space more attractive; a mobilization effect, by showing methods other than combat for fighting for one’s rights; a promotional one, by making Bethlehem more popular; and commercial, by providing Palestinians with the ‘Banksy’ brand, which is recognized by tourists, to advertise their goods and services.
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Proszę się cofnąć do przodu! – o polityce partycypacji w pracach ICOM nad „praską definicją muzeum”

100%
Lorenc M.
Muzealnictwo
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2022
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vol. 63
165-172
PL
Decyzja ICOM o rewizji obowiązującej od 2007 r. definicji muzeum argumentowana była potrzebą dostosowania istniejących zapisów statutowych do wyzwań stojących przed muzeami w XXI w. Po odroczeniu głosowania w sprawie nowej definicji na Nadzwyczajnym Walnym Zgromadzeniu w Kioto w 2019 r., w organizacji miał miejsce kryzys przywództwa. Celem sanacji zarządzania pod koniec 2020 r. wprowadzono nową metodykę prac nad definicją. Jej fundament stanowić miała polityka partycypacji, czyli redystrybucji władzy. Ułatwiło ją zastosowanie komunikacji zdalnej wymuszonej pandemią COVID-19. Zgodnie z przyjętym harmonogramem cała rozbudowana i wieloetapowa procedura zakończyć się miała głosowaniem nad przyjęciem/odrzuceniem nowej definicji muzeum na kolejnym Nadzwyczajnym Walnym Zgromadzeniu ICOM w Pradze, 24 sierpnia 2022 r. Efektem udziału w konsultacjach 126 ze 178 uprawnionych Komitetów było zredagowanie „praskiej definicji muzeum”, stanowiącej kompromis między dotychczas obowiązującą definicją statutową z 2007 r. a „definicją z Kioto”. W zasadniczych kwestiach, tj. odpowiedzi na pytanie, „co to jest muzeum”, była ona powtórzeniem wcześniejszych regulacji – muzeum to stała instytucja nienastawiona na zysk. Zrodziło to pytanie o celowość prac wykonanych w latach 2020–2022, opierając się na nowym paradygmacie uczestnictwa, na które próbą odpowiedzi jest ten tekst.
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Withdraw forward, please! On participation policy in ICOM’s works on the ‘prague museum definition’

100%
Lorenc M.
Muzealnictwo
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2022
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vol. 63
165-172
EN
ICOM’s decision to revise the museum definition valid as of 2007 was accounted for with the need to adjust the existing statutory phrasing to meet the challenges museums face in the 21st century. Having adjourned the vote on the new definition at the Extraordinary General Assembly in Kyoto in 2019, the organisation suffered a leadership crisis. In late 2020, in order to reform the management, a new methodology of working on the definition was introduced. Its foundation was to be sought in participatory policy, namely redistribution of authority. Interestingly, this approach was facilitated by the application of remote communication forced by the COVID-19 pandemic. In harmony with the adopted time schedule the extensive and multi-stage process was to climax with the vote on the adoption/ rejection of the new museum definition during the subsequent Extraordinary General Assembly in Prague on 24 August 2022. As a result of the participation in consultations of 126 out of the 178 eligible Committees, the ‘Prague museum definition’ was phrased as a compromise between the 2007 statutory definition valid until then and the ‘Kyoto definition’. On the essential issues, i.e., answering the question: ‘what is a museum?’, it actually retained the earlier regulation: a museum is a not-for-profit permanent institution. This yielded the question about the purposefulness of the works conducted in 2020–2022, based on the new participation paradigm, which the present paper attempts to answer.
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Hassan Ali Jamsheer, Współczesna historia Iraku. Warszawa 2007

88%
Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2008
|
issue 2
375-381
PL
.
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Sylviane Agacinski, Polityka płci

75%
Lorenc M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2006
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issue 1
235-238
PL
.
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Liturgical references in the swearing-in ceremonies of the President of the Republic of Poland after 1989

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Lorenc M., Mikołajczak M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2018
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issue 3
135-156
EN
The text analyzes the mutual relations between the liturgy of sacraments and the most solemn state ceremony in the Republic of Poland, that of swearing-in of the Head of State. Although the latter ceremony is secular, its antecedence should be sought in the religious aspects of the enthronement of European rulers in the Middle Ages. These references make the swearing-in an object of study combining theology and political science. They invite questions about the relation between the religious imagination of a given national community and its political organization as embodied in state ceremonies. The candidate who wins the presidential elections becomes the President of the Polish Republic after their victory is announced by the National Electoral Commission, and after the Supreme Court confirms validity of this result. However, they remain President-Elect until they utter the words of the oath. Therefore, the swearing-in is a public ritual regulated by law which needs to be completed in order to formally commence exercise of the office. The oath, which is spelled out in the Constitution and delivered by the newly elected Head of State, has a performative nature, similar to liturgical formulas. Additionally, it comprises an optional reference to God as witness to the oath delivered. Therefore, the presidential oath is a historically conditioned testimony to public authority, referring to the realm of the sacred.
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