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EN
The dialectic of the impact of art and politics is based, among other things, on the fact that politics can be treated as a refined form of human thought and social activity (the art of politics) while art is interested in the political. Both these fields have the structure of a discourse. They use material and symbolical resources and in their domains there is a never-ending festival of distribution, reconfiguration and transformation of ideas (energy) into action or presentation. Political kitsch, just as kitsch in art, is about copying an effect which has been considered attractive. It is presented as a spontaneous act while in fact it is an imitation, performed according to a scenario. In art, kitsch is a result of copying others, it is associated with inauthenticity, whereas in politics it is also a manner of interpreting the events presented by the media. This is influenced by the logic of the media activity (simplified message, tabloidization, appealing to the audience’s emotions). In studying political kitsch it is worth referring to the methodology used in research into visual culture. A particularly significant question, and one which requires in-depth research, is whether politics is also judged through aesthetic categories, and whether such manner of its perception may contribute to withdrawal from civic activities. It is also worth considering the thesis whether currently the systems of representation are undergoing transformation, taking into account the various meanings of this word.
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EN
This paper discusses metaphors from the standpoint of cognitive semantics and explores conceptual metaphors in the Swedish language of business, as present in the joumalistic language of everyday newspapers. The introduction briefly reviews the history of metaphorical research, foUowed by a selection of conceptual metaphors found in the economic articles of two Swedish dailies 'Dagens Nyheter' and 'GOteborgs Posten'. This paper also analyses the functions performed by metaphors in economic articles.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie strategii minimalizowania negatywnych skutków kryzysu spowodowanych przez COVID-19 przez władze państwowe w pierwszych miesiącach od ogłoszenia pandemii. Koncentrowano uwagę na instrumentach polityki zatrudnienia i rynku pracy. Badania miały charakter porównawczy, prowadzone były metodami desk research oraz analizy dyskursu. Źródłem/jednostką w badaniu były bieżące analizy wpływu COVID-19 na zatrudnienie składane w Międzynarodowej Organizacji Pracy. Nie objęto badaniem państw należących do Unii Europejskiej. Wśród instrumentów i środków zaradczych typowych dla polityki zatrudnienia i polityki rynku pracy wykazano nieliczne rozwiązania innowacyjne, dostosowane do specyfiki lokalnej oraz uwzględniające skutki problemów nieunieważnionych przez pandemię – kryzysu ekologicznego oraz kwestii związanej z pojawianiem się bezrobocia technologicznego. Osiągnięte rezultaty rzutują na szereg dalszych pytań właściwych do postawienia w badaniach polityki publicznej. Badania pokazują, że COVID-19 przyczynia się do pogłębiania polaryzacji społeczeństwa, a istniejące w poszczególnych krajach instrumenty polityki rynku pracy nie wystarczą, by powstrzymać wykluczenie społeczne z powodu bezrobocia, zwłaszcza w krajach o dominującej gospodarce nieformalnej. Tymczasem ze względu na zawieszanie działalności gospodarczej i brak możliwości reemigracji pojawiła się nowa kategoria osób, których status liminalny oznacza „zawieszenie” między pracą a bezrobociem.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present strategies for minimising negative effects of the crisis caused by COVID-19 by state authorities of non-European countries in the first months after the announcement of the pandemic. The focus is on employment and labour market policy instruments. The research is comparative in its nature and was conducted using the desk research and discourse analysis methods. The source/unit in the analysis were the rapid assessments of the employment impacts of COVID-19 submitted to the International Labour Organisation. The study did not cover European Union Member States. Among the instruments and countermeasures typical of employment and labour market policies, few innovative solutions were identified, tailored to local specifics and taking into account the effects of the pandemic – the ecological crisis and the emergence of technological unemployment. The results achieved implicate a number of further questions relevant for public policy research. Research shows that COVID-19 contributes to deepening of the polarisation of society and existing labour market policy instruments in countries will not be sufficient to stop social exclusion due to unemployment especially in countries with a predominantly informal economy. Meanwhile, a category of people has emerged, due to the suspension of business activities and internal migration, whose status is also “suspended” (liminal) between work and unemployment.
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2019
|
vol. 22
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issue 297
185-199
PL
The subject of analysis concerns forms and means of communicating political views by political groups with contrasting approaches, their visual representations. A lot is happening in the municipal sphere (and public in general), but only some of its elements are visible and only some confirm the divisions within the society, diverse interests of groups and classes, social inequality. The symbolism is highly interesting, although it has been discussed multiple times already. The use of available resources and the more or less noticeable artistry (or, on the contrary, triviality, kitsch) also draw attention. We can see people, draped monuments, posters and banners, effigies and representations of a non-figurative nature. It is all about raising interest, specifying identity, building alliances and a supporting auditorium. The aesthetics is to boost or disrupt, use its sociotechnical value. Writings on the walls have political content and various fonts, they appear in unexpected places. There are also differences in the visual reception of various audiences – participants of the events, municipal service forces, media representatives, engaged Internet users (engaged because they use the broadcast for agitation), even artists view the circumstances differently.
PL
Social sciences literature poses the question “how do institutions think?”. The aim of theauthor of the present paper is to present the way media shape the perception of institutions,in particular institutions of political character, such as constitutions, states, governments.It was adopted, by referring to social theories, that processes of political socialization areequally important as institutionalization processes. The former group includes creating theperception of the surrounding world of norms and political organizations. The analysis dealswith Polish political discourse, its object being statements, press titles and leads, as long astheir topic is related to the functioning of political institutions. It needs to be rememberedthat statements from the politicians are of instrumental character (their purpose beingboosting the chance for a re-election). It is more common for them to criticize the institutionsthey are part of and they co-create than to approve of their actions. Linguistic structures areused to convey emotions and they illustrate the perceived crisis of the institution, which doesnot have to reflect the real situation.Key words: political institutions, political discourse, media, political emotions, constitution,state
PL
Social sciences literature poses the question “how do institutions think?”. The aim of theauthor of the present paper is to present the way media shape the perception of institutions,in particular institutions of political character, such as constitutions, states, governments.It was adopted, by referring to social theories, that processes of political socialization areequally important as institutionalization processes. The former group includes creating theperception of the surrounding world of norms and political organizations. The analysis dealswith Polish political discourse, its object being statements, press titles and leads, as long astheir topic is related to the functioning of political institutions. It needs to be rememberedthat statements from the politicians are of instrumental character (their purpose beingboosting the chance for a re-election). It is more common for them to criticize the institutionsthey are part of and they co-create than to approve of their actions. Linguistic structures areused to convey emotions and they illustrate the perceived crisis of the institution, which doesnot have to reflect the real situation.Key words: political institutions, political discourse, media, political emotions, constitution,state
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