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EN
Qualitative changes have appeared in the international system. Since 2010, the corrosion of the previous order has been accompanied by the formation of a multi-polar world. Like any qualitative change, also the present one means intense rivalry and contradictions. The essence of contemporary geopolitical rivalry can be described by applying the division into the Euroatlantic and Eurasian worlds. The center of the Euroatlantic geopolitics is currently the G-7 with the hegemonic role of the USA; while the economic center of the Eurasian space is located in East Asia, China (PRC), and militarily Russia lying in the socalled heartland; India also has an important position. International organizations are very important in this game. The aim of the article is to show the functioning of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in the situation that both India and Pakistan became simultaneously new members. The main research problem is: what significance does this fact have for the shape of the international order? In the article, I verify the hypothesis that SCO fits in with the aspirations of actors functioning in the Eurasian space to create a multi-polar world. In order to verify the main hypothesis, I verify the detailed hypotheses: the first recognizes that the cooperation between China and Russia in the SCO has linked the regional and global aspect from the beginning; the second assumes that the admission of new members and the aspirations of others change the function and increase the global significance of the institution. The last one accepts that the emerging tangle of new interests and contradictions between the Member States and external powers reveals the formation of a multi-polar world. In the article, I accept the perspective of the geopolitics of critical realism, in which I focus on the functioning of centers of strength, interactions between them and the effects of global, regional and local space. The considerations are conducted from the point of view of the development of the profit-in-international relations. The following research methods have been used: historical, comparative, decision-making method, system method.
PL
Okres, który obejmuje lata 2012-2014 stanowi realny początek podważenia hegemonii Stanów Zjednoczonych. Wiążę się to z objęciem prezydentury w Rosji na trzecią kadencję przez Władimira Putina oraz dojściem do władzy Xi Jinpinga w Chinach. Jesteśmy w trakcie globalnej rozgrywki o przyszłość porządku międzynarodowego. Celem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy istnieje sojusz pomiędzy Chinami i Rosją? Weryfikuję hipotezę, że relację obu mocarstw, w oficjalnej narracji określane mianem "wszechstronnego partnerstwa strategicznej współpracy dla nowej ery" (comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era) można nazwać sojuszem kontrhegemonicznym. Wymaga ona charakterystyki stosunków chińsko-rosyjskich w warunkach dokonujących się przemian porządku międzynarodowego. Chodzi o kwestie ekonomiczne, symboliczne, polityczne i militarne, które składają się na wielowymiarowe ukazanie zagadnienia w formie dwóch artykułów. Pierwszy omawia podstawy teoretyczno-metodologiczne oraz wymiar geoekonomiczny i symboliczny.
EN
The period 2012-2014 is a real beginning to undermine the hegemony of the United States in international relations, which is associated with taking the presidency of Russia for the third term by Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping who served as president of China from 2013. We are in the middle of a global competition for the future of international order. The purpose of the article is to answer the questions: Is there an alliance between China and Russia? I verify the hypothesis that the relationship of the two powers, in the official narrative called the "comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era” can be called a counterhegemonic alliance. It requires the characterization of Chinese-Russian relations in the conditions of changing international order. It is about economic, symbolic, political and military issues that make up the multidimensional presentation of the issue in the form of two articles. The first discusses the theoretical and methodological foundations as well as the geoeconomic and symbolic dimension.
EN
Contemporary globalization reveals the crucial influence of the economy on international relations and domestic politics of states. The proof is carried on the struggle for markets, financial resources and transfer of technology, standards of international law, the conditions for investment and natural resources. Developed paradigm of geoeconomy emphasizes the essential role of the economy in geopolitics. In this framework, an important issue becomes the subject of the transnational corporations, both because of their association with the formation of powers, but also the tendency to submit the state to their purposes and needs.
PL
Okres 2012-2014 stanowi realny początek podważenia hegemonii Stanów Zjed-noczonych w stosunkach międzynarodowych, co wiążę się z objęciem prezydentury w Rosji na trzecią kadencję przez Władimira Putina oraz dojściem do władzy Xi Jinpinga w Chi-nach. Jesteśmy więc w trakcie globalnej rywalizacji o przyszłość porządku międzynarodo-wego. Celem artykułu jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytania: czy istnieje sojusz pomiędzy Chinami i Rosją? Weryfikuję hipotezę, że relację obu mocarstw, w oficjalnej narracji określane mia-nem "wszechstronnego partnerstwa strategicznej współpracy dla nowej ery" (comprehen-sive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era) można nazwać sojuszem kontrhe-gemonicznym. Wymaga ona charakterystyki stosunków chińsko-rosyjskich w warunkach dokonujących się przemian porządku międzynarodowego. W przedstawianym artykule skupiam się na współpracy militarnej, a także charakterystyce sytuacji wynikającej z trilate-ralizmu, a więc struktury tworzonej przez działania w trójkącie Moskwa-Pekin-Waszyngton. Podsumowanie i prognozy będą dotyczyły całości zagadnienia, a więc obejmującego także kwestie geoekonomiczne i symboliczne opisane w poprzednim artykule.
EN
The period 2012-2014 is a real beginning to undermine the hegemony of the Unit-ed States in international relations, which is associated with taking the presidency of Russia for the third term by Vladimir Putin and the rise to power of Xi Jinping in China. So we are in the middle of a global competition for the future of international order. The purpose of the article is to answer the questions: Is there an alliance between China and Russia? I verify the hypothesis that the relationship of the two powers, in the official narrative referred to as the "comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era" can be called a counterhegemonic alliance. It requires the characterization of Chinese-Russian relations in the conditions of changing international order. In this article, I focus on military coopera-tion, as well as the characteristics of the situation resulting from trilateralism, i.e. the structure created by the actions in the Moscow-Beijing-Washington triangle. Sum-mary and forecasts will cover the whole issue, including geoeconomic and symbolic issues, described in the previous article.
EN
Democracy is the most valued political idea in the modern world, but it is still unclear. Therefore, democracy should be discuses only after their characterize such as: liberal democracy or socialist. This article attempts to tell more about modern democracy based on the concept of 'globalize democracy'. The basis for analysis is the 'clash' of classical theory of democracy and practice of contemporary globalization.
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