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1

Nagroda POLONICUM 2014

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Kwartalnik Polonicum
|
2015
|
issue 18
40 - 43
EN
Destcription of ceremony "The Award POLONICUM 2014"40 - 43
2

60 lat Centrum POLONICUM

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Kwartalnik Polonicum
|
2016
|
issue 22
2-6
EN
April 8th, 2016, for a 10th time, the Polonicum awarded outstanding specialists who promote Polish language and culture in the world. This ceremony has started the 60th Anniversary of the Polonicum. The Polonicum’s Award was given to prof. Janusz Bańczerowski from ELTE University in Budapest. Also, both prof. Marta Pančíková (University of Ostrava) and dr. Małgorzata Majewska-Meyers (University of Potsdam) received honorable distinctions, for their lifetime achievements.
3

Nagroda POLONICUM już po raz dziesiąty

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Kwartalnik Polonicum
|
2016
|
issue 21
12-16
4

Nagroda Polonicum 2012

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Kwartalnik Polonicum
|
2013
|
issue 13
2 - 4
EN
The prestigious Polonicum Award and two Honourable Mentions were handed for the seventh time. They are awarded for outstanding achievements in propagatingthe language and cultureof Polandallover the world. The statuettes and certyficates were handed during the ceremony in Tyszkiewiczów-Potockich Palaceon 26th November 2012, The Award went to Institute of West Slavonic Studies of Leipzig University. Two equal Honourable Mentions went to prof. dr hab. Panayot Karagyozov from Bulgaria and prof. Angel Enrique Diaz – Pintado Hilaro from Spain.
5
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Migration Crises and Interest of a State. American Refugee Assistance Acts During the Cold War

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2019
|
vol. 45
|
issue 3 (173)
41–58
EN
The article examines the link between the admission of refugees to the United States and the country’s foreign policy interest during the Cold War. The author analyses the post-war American refugee assistance acts and immigration laws to reveal U.S. policy choices made between safeguarding country’s security during the Cold War to taking political advantage of the refugee arrivals. The factors that provided for the refugees’ entry to the U.S. during the Cold War were determined by foreign policy concerns and the decisions related to the refugee crises were the domain of the executive up until 1980s. Given the Cold War context, most of the refugee crises occurring behind the Iron Curtain in Europe benefited U.S. psychological warfare programs, while Asian and Latin American refugees, often a consequence of direct (at times covert) U.S. political-military-economic involvement, put the U.S. on the defensive.
6

Bariery językowe mówienia o raku

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Kwartalnik Polonicum
|
2017
|
issue 24
4-10
EN
The paper Women after a mastectomy in Poland. Private sphere, public sphere has developed the idea that the problem of women with breast cancer is not only their treatment, but a range of social and psychological processes that have an impact on their return to their working life. The organization Amazonki (“the Amazons”) plays an important role here. The objective of this paper is: the presentation of the experience of cancer within a private space in terms of treatment, psychology and sociology; the analysis of the passage of “cancer” from private sphere to public in a personal as well as an institutionalized dimension – the creation of Poland’s first cancer patients’ organization in 1987. This chapter Language barriers in talking about cancer discloses the origin of psychological – and also sociological – barriers in talking about cancer, as well as it explaines how this notion functions in language, i.e. decodes the meanings concealed behind that notion, both open and hidden, creating problems in usage. It is in language where the principle of denoting the world, expression and ritual takes place – it is possible to say in Wittgenstein’s words that the boundaries of language are the boundaries of our world.
7

Nagroda POLONICUM 2013

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Kwartalnik Polonicum
|
2014
|
issue 15
3 - 5
EN
Description of ceremony The Polonicum Award 2013
8
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Motywowanie pracowników w czasie kryzysu - znaczenie środków niematerialnych

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Przedsiębiorstwo i Region
|
2010
|
issue 2
45-64
EN
Effective motivation system should be flexible due to the necessity of continual adapting to new external and internal activity conditions. Changes occur also in personal value systems – not only pay level but also supervisor’s and co-workers’ approval, job satisfaction, sense of importance are significant. Satisfying that needs requires applying for intangible tools, concerning psychological aspect. This issue is important as well in context of unfavourable changes in companies macroeconomic environment because intangible tools don’t need employing excessive financial assets. This paper is focused on selected intangible motivation tools in contemporary enterprise, such as: empowerment, coaching, feedback, career planning.
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Unwilling Immigrants: Transnational Identities of East Central European Exiles During the Cold War

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Mazurkiewicz A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2015
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vol. 41
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issue 4 (158)
159–171
EN
While many definitions of “political exile” exist across disciplines, they tend to focus on three areas: the social and psychological experience of exiles before leaving their homeland, the causes, motivations, means of departure, and the adjustment, assimilation of exiles in the country of asylum. None of these address the question of what the exiles actually do abroad politically in an attempt to return to their home country. My research begins where these assumptions stop. In my paper I define a political exile as a person compelled to leave his homeland whose material and psychological status is a dynamic one. Furthermore, a political exile wishes to contribute to the host society, share his assets (knowledge, skills) in exchange for support of his cause. A political exile is engaged in a collective project usually originating in the homeland which is realized in the host country, unwaveringly determined to return. “Unwilling” to fully assimilate, a political exile claims legitimacy in representing his compatriots abroad while adaptation and integration with the host society are in progress. I propose that the legacy of the political exile activities in the West during the Cold War be considered in the context in which they were created: being influenced by transnational and multiethnic spaces. Formed, pressed and spelled out in the conditions that are multifaceted, rather than simply transmitted from the pre-Soviet traditions, or resulting from the contacts with the “captive” compatriots.
10

„Narody ujarzmione” – lobby polityczne czy projekt propagandowy?

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Studia Historica Gedanensia
|
2014
|
vol. Volume 5 (2014)
355-392
EN
During the Cold War, the term “captive nations” should be regarded as a figure of speech, but also as a practical expression of the ideological declaration – anti‑communism. Using it, the government and the Congress of the United States expressed their support for the cause of freedom of the countries behind the Iron Curtain, and the American society, including minority groups from Eastern Europe, expressed its solidarity with the people who were deprived the right to decide about their own fate. Was the promotion of the concept of “captive nations” a deliberate action of the U.S. government calculated to emphasize their interest in the fate of the regions from which many citizens of that country originated (response to bottom‑up pressure)? Or maybe it was a way to gain support for their foreign policy and its promotion at home and abroad (a propaganda tool)? What role did the refugees themselves play in these activities? This text is an attempt to assess the impact that they could have on the Congress, and thereby influence the processes shaping American foreign policy (both in terms of public debate, as well as concrete policy proposals). Undoubtedly, the activity of a number of business organizations, associating both U.S. citizens and immigrants from Eastern Europe, contributed to a significant popularization of the concept of “the captive” and the role of the United States as their spokesperson. However, the analysis suggests that the myth of captivity is not linked only to the American anti‑communism. It has been present in the American tradition since colonial times, and since its redefinition after World War II. Until today it is used by the U.S. authorities in order to justify global involvement.
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Relacje między Zgromadzeniem Europejskich Narodów Ujarzmionych a Komitetem Wolnej Europy na tle polityki amerykańskiej 1950–1960

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Mazurkiewicz A.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2013
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issue 1(21)
213-244
EN
From 1954 to 1972 the ACEN functioned as a lobby for Eastern European interests on the U.S. political scene and in respect to the United Nations. According to its members – a quasi-East European parliament of exiled politicians who strived to maintain the case of liberation of Eastern Europe from the Soviet yoke on the agenda of international relations. Founded by the Free Europe Committee, the ACEN operations were obviously influenced and monitored by official American policy. In order to examine the extent of American control and to exemplify the political and public activities of the ACEN, I have selected a period during which the exiles began to openly disapprove of American foreign policy. This article focuses on the years 1959–1960, during which the ACEN vehemently opposed both the decision to invite Soviet Prime Minister Khrushchev to the U.S. and the subsequent courteous treatment extended to him during his appearance before the United Nations General Assembly. I find that despite the émigré leadership’s self-restraint and adherence to the FEC-imposed rules, the moment the ACEN activities diverged from official U.S. policy, it lost American support. The the FEC’s reaction to the ACEN activities shows that the ACEN mission had to remain compatible with U.S. foreign policy objectives. The heady days of the Cold War when support was bountiful were over, the foreign policy thaw had begun and accelerated, leaving the leaders of the Captive Nations behind as they evolved. The ACEN retained its stance, while American policy changed. Compromise was the price that some of the émigré leaders were willing to pay for many years following their disillusionment in 1959. However, their essential objective was to keep the ACEN alive and continue the concerted Central and East European émigré effort not to let the world forget about their estimated one hundred million captive compatriots. For them it was a matter of being able to act on behalf of their captive nations, and it was this goal that forged their dedication and commitment for the life of the organization. The English version of this article was published in: The Inauguration of Organized Political Warfare: Cold War Organizations Sponsored by the National Committee for a Free Europe, ed. Katalin Kádár Lynn, (New York, Budapest: Helena History Press, 2013), 91–130.
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Relacja z sesji naukowych zorganizowanych na European Social Science History Conference przez uczestników Centralnego Projektu Badawczego IPN „Polska emigracja polityczna 1939–1989”, Wiedeń, 23–26 kwietnia 2014 roku

100%
Mazurkiewicz A.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
|
2014
|
issue 2(24)
519-525
13
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Efekt spill-over a modernizacja krajowego sektora energii

63%
Frączek P., Mazurkiewicz A.
Przedsiębiorstwo i Region
|
2013
|
issue 5
120-130
EN
The paper aims to point the differences in the ways the energy sectors function in Poland and other EU countries and, consequently, how the differences affect Polish customers of electricity and natural gas. Particular emphasis is put on the liberalization changes in the gas industry, how Poland lags behind in this respect, and the expectations of reforms which will help meet the requirements of the EU legislation with regard to Poland’s gas industry
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