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Codzienność Lublina w 1918 r.

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Mazur M.
Res Historica
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2019
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issue 48
PL
Rok 1918 był w Lublinie kolejnym rokiem wojny. Miasto nie ucierpiało wskutek przejścia frontu, nie było zburzone, ale sytuacja wojenna wpływała na panujące w nim warunki życia. Skokowo wzrastające przeludnienie m.in. wywołane ulokowaniem w nim władz okupacyjnych, chroniczny brak żywności, spekulacja i inflacja, rekwizycje i przestępczość w znacznym stopniu determinowały codzienność mieszkańców. Do tego dochodziły epidemie chorób, coraz bardziej dotkliwa bieda, zwyczajne wypadki i nieszczęścia. Warunki mieszkaniowe, wygląd miasta oraz atmosfera na ulicach odzwierciedlały daleko idącą stratyfikację. W mieście z rzadka odbywały się uroczystości patriotyczne i religijne, ale uczestniczyła w nich mniejszość mieszkańców. Większość z nich raczej próbowała się przystosować i dotrwać do końca wojny. Dopiero pod koniec roku coraz bardziej powszechne stało się przekonanie o możliwości odzyskania niepodległości.
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Czego nas uczą „reprinty” z czasów Gomułki? Rec. książki: Marii Januszewskiej-Warych, W poszukiwaniu nowoczesnej, demokratycznej i narodowej wizji reformy szkolnictwa. Ogólnopolski Zjazd Oświatowy (Łódź, 18–22 czerwca 1945 roku), Wyd. Impuls, Kraków 2015, ss. 382

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Mazur M.
Res Historica
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2015
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issue 40
3
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Komentarz do odpowiedzi Marii Januszewskiej-Warych na recenzję Jej książki „W poszukiwaniu nowoczesnej, demokratycznej i narodowej wizji reformy szkolnictwa. Ogólnopolski Zjazd Oświatowy (Łódź, 18–22 czerwca 1945 roku)”, Wyd. Impuls, Kraków 2015, ss. 382

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Mazur M.
Res Historica
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2016
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issue 42
4
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Rozmowy o wartościach. Dyskusje młodzieży na łamach „Sztandaru Młodych” 1950–1956

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Mazur M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2011
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issue 1(17)
75-96
EN
While it is true to say that the existence of discussions in the “Sztandar Młodych” magazine might suggested moving towards democracy and pluralism in opinions, in fact these conversations imposed particular ways of thinking, conviction about indisputability of various axioms and behaviour patterns. Their aim was to determine one proper interpretation of official ideas, including particular behaviours, aspirations, beliefs and attitudes, which mainly was: restoring the traditional patterns and also building new construction. What is more, they were based on a new ideology and propaganda and on old cultural moulds. Two categories of discourses could be there distinguished: authoritarian and universal narratives. During those discussions, such standards as: subordinating to particular ideology, dependency-domination relations, hierarchy and collectivism took on a new significance. A total devotion and submissiveness to the authority were considered to be real values. Moreover, significant aspects like heroism of friendship and love, depending on ideological attitudes, were widely discussed. The ideological factor was dominating in argumentation concerning women’s work in professions hitherto considered to be masculine. There were also some discussions concerning universal topics such as: social politeness, relations between the young and the elderly and spectators’ behaviour on football stadiums. Ideological indoctrination interlaced with demonstrating basic needs and with issues that young people, regardless of their political convictions, were interested in.
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Nieformalny rezonans społeczny tzw. Kongresu Zjednoczeniowego PPR i PPS w grudniu 1948 roku

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Mazur M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2010
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issue 1(15)
263-282
EN
Historiography is not able to give a clear answer to the question concerning the issue of the complete and adequate picture of the public’s opinion on the Unification Congress. The majority of preserved historical sources were subjective and created under the influence of ideology and therefore often not consistent with the actual situation. As a result of it, private journals and letters shall constitute the most accurate source of knowledge of the above-said issue. All we can do is try and indicate certain tendencies of behaviour or else some partial attitudes and opinions. In fact, we can differentiate three groups of opinions: Persons who are satisfied with the consolidation of the Polish Workers’ Party (PPR) and the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), the majority of persons discontented with this and inconsiderable number of persons not interested in this subject matter. People’s interest in the congress resulted not in accepting the activities undertaken by the authorities and supporting the political system, but actually in fear of the family as well as personal future. There was a common depression. People were frequently afraid of making any opinions therefore they chose to talk only when accompanied by the closed family and reliable persons. Any resistance took rather a symbolic form. People complained about the splendour of decorations within cities, as well as, about the lack of emblems and national colours. It was widely believed, that the congress was the final proof of the communisation of Poland and its subordination towards the Soviet Union. Any incidents of putting anticommunist inscriptions on walls or tearing off communist posters were very rare. Within rural environment people were afraid of collectivisation and the Catholics expected that the churches would be closed. The majority of people expected deterioration of working and living conditions. Some anticipations concerning the future were rather fantastical and based only on unverified rumours. The possible ways for people to escape the present situation included irony, faith, as well as, wishful thinking.
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Propaganda komunistyczna wobec Armii Krajowej w latach 1943–1955

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Mazur M.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2015
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vol. 47
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issue 1
61-79
EN
More is known about the image of the Home Army in wartime and post–war communist propaganda from publicistics and a priori theses dealing with simple declarations about anti– AK attitudes and the falsification of history than from strictly scientific studies. Publications that would depict the creation and fluctuation of this image in collective memory are also lacking. It is thus worth drawing attention to a definition of the research theme as such. During the period in question the communists did not make a considerable distinction between AK, WiN (Freedom and Independence), NSZ (National Armed Forces) and other pro–independence organisations, on the one hand, and actual gangs of armed bandits who after the war acted the guise of the Underground, on the other hand. The image of the AK in post–war propaganda was a continuation of the accusatory stance devised by the PPR (Polish Workers’ Party) already in 1943, i.e. at the time of the German occupation. After the war equally negative slogans about AK responsibility for the „sanacja” government and defeat at the time of the September 1939 campaign, wartime passivity, affiliation with fascism, nationalism, and fratricide were furthered with accusations of murdering democrats, banditry, and collaboration with anti–Polish agents in the West. It is essential to indicate the changing perspective. During the so–called amnesty period the impact of anti–AK propaganda was diminished in order to encourage the conspirators to come out into the open. Soon, however, the campaign regained its previous state. The next stage proved even more important; note that at the end of the 1940s and especially during the early 1950s the communists changed their strategy and acknowledged the necessity of deploying a totally different method, i.e. remaining silent. The Home Army became mentioned in the media increasingly rarely and in time the attacks launched against it ceased almost entirely. They reappeared sporadically, e.g. upon the occasion of anniversaries of the Warsaw Uprising, which entailed the functioning of a division into „good” soldiers and „bad” commanders, with General Tadeusz „Bór” Komorowski as the symbolic archenemy. This is not to say that the attitude towards the Home Army actually changed. Pro–independence soldiers were imprisoned, investigated or remained unemployed. The new method aimed at a different target: the relegation of the existence of the underground army from collective memory and its replacement with communist formations. The ultimate goal was probably the creation of an image of communists monopolising the armed struggle and of small fascist bandits groups, which hindered armed struggle and which, for all practical purposes, were not even worthy of recollection.
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Ledwie znana, a wciągająca kulturowa historia techniki [Rec. Piotr Sitarski, Maria B. Garda, Krzysztof Jajko, Nowe media w PRL, Łódź 2020]

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Mazur M.
Wieki Stare i Nowe
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2022
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vol. 17
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issue 22
1-7
EN
In their book entitled Nowe media w PRL (New Media in the People’s Republic of Poland), the authors discuss and comment on the origins of three technologies: VCRs, microcomputers, and satellite television, and the factors influencing their use and development in the 1980s socialist Poland’s system. In their analysis, they rely on extensive media theory and draw on social history.
PL
Historia nowych mediów zaczyna się w Polsce w latach 80. XX wieku, czyli w państwie borykającym się z kryzysami: politycznym, społecznym, a z perspektywy techniki - najważniejszym - ekonomicznym. Autorzy recenzowanej książki omawiają i komentują początki trzech technologii: magnetowidów, mikrokomputerów i telewizji satelitarnej oraz czynniki wpływające na ich użytkowanie i rozwój w systemie socjalistycznym.
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