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Czarnogóra w procesie integracji z Unią Europejską. Szanse i wyzwania

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Koźbiał K.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2015
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issue 6(37)
209-229
EN
2006, after referendum, the Montenegrin Parliament declared the independence of Montenegro. One of the primary foreign policy objectives is integration into the European Union. 2007 Montenegro signed a Stabilisation und Association Agreement. On 17th December 2010 the EU granted Montenegro the official status of candidate country. The accession negotiations with Podgorica started on 29th June 2012. In December 2012 first chapter in negotiations was opened and provisionally closed. The EU provides financial assistance to Montenegro under the IPA (Instrument for Pre‑accession Assistance). Now has this country top position among the states striving for the EU membership. One of the phenomena of Montenegro’s political life is the fact that the power has been in the hands of the political party: Democratic Party of Socialists, and personally Milo Ðukanović. The biggest internal problems are: ethnic (only 45% Montenegrins), linguistic (almost 43% speaks Serbian, only 37% Montenegrin) and religious structure (Montenegrin Orthodox Church has not been recognized). The important problems in negotiations: corruption and organized crime in Montenegro and, probably, unilateral euro adoption in 2002.
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Proces rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej na obszar Bałkanów Zachodnich jako wyzwanie dla przyszłości integracji kontynentu

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Koźbiał K.
Społeczeństwo i Polityka
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2019
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issue 3(60)
129-144
PL
Rozszerzenie Unii Europejskiej w kierunku Bałkanów pozostaje procesem niedokończonym. Szanse na członkostwo mają Serbia, Czarnogóra, Albania, Północna Macedonia, być może także Bośnia i Hercegowina oraz Kosowo. Aby mogło do tego dojść, muszą one jednak sprostać określonym wyzwaniom. Rok 2018 będzie być może w przyszłości określany jako przełom, gdyż po wielu latach Bruksela powróciła do spotkań na szczycie z państwami regionu, przedstawiając nową agendę integracyjną i perspektywę członkostwa w UE Serbii i Czarnogóry w 2025 r. Wydaje się, że jest to ostatni moment na włączenie tych państw w orbitę zainteresowań Unii, tym bardziej że inni gracze (Chiny, Rosja, Turcja) także angażują się w tej części kontynentu.
EN
The enlargement of the European Union towards the Western Balkans remains an unfi - nished process. Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Northern Macedonia, perhaps also Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, have perspective for membership. For this to happen, however, they must meet specifi c challenges. The 2018 will perhaps be referred to as a breakthrough since after many years Brussels has returned to summit meetings with the countries of the Western Balkan region and it has been presenting a new integration agenda and the prospect of EU membership of Serbia and Montenegro in 2025. This seems to be the last moment to include these countries, which are in the orbit of the Union’s interests. This is even more important for the EU as other players (China, Russia, Turkey) are also involved in this part of the continent.
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Pomoc rozwojowa w polityce zagranicznej Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. Przykład Kaukazu Południowego

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Koźbiał K.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
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2018
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issue 4
157-171
EN
The Swiss Confederation, as a neutral state, is forced to apply in its foreign policy instruments classified as the so-called soft power. One of them is development assistance granted to less developed countries, also undergoing the period of political transition. An example of this type of Swiss activities is the assistance to the countries of the South Caucasus, resulting, inter alia, from historical contacts, in modern times initiated as part of humanitarian aid after the earthquake in 1988. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are supported as part of strategic plans by both the Swiss state and private donors. Switzerland also successfully plays the role of a mediator: in the Georgian-Russian and Turkish-Armenian dispute.
PL
Konfederacja Szwajcarska, jako państwo neutralne o niewielkich rozmiarach, zmuszona jest do stosowania w swej polityce zagranicznej instrumentów zaliczanych do tzw. soft power. Jednym z nich jest pomoc rozwojowa, udzielana państwom słabiej rozwiniętym, także znajdującym się w stanie tranzycji ustrojowej. Przykładem tego rodzaju działań jest pomoc Szwajcarii dla państw Kaukazu Południowego, wynikająca m.in. z historycznych kontaktów, a w czasach współczesnych rozpoczęta w ramach pomocy humanitarnej po trzęsieniu ziemi w 1988 r. Armenia, Azerbejdżan i Gruzja wspierane są w ramach planów strategicznych zarówno przez państwo szwajcarskie, jak i prywatnych donatorów. Oprócz tego Szwajcaria z powodzeniem pełni rolę mediatora w sporze gruzińsko-rosyjskim i turecko-armeńskim.
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Wadowice w latach 1945-1990 – okiem recenzenta. Recenzja książki: Andrzej Nowakowski, Wadowice w latach 1945-1990. Przyczynek do najnowszej historii miasta, Rzeszów 2018

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Koźbiał K.
Wadoviana. Przegląd historyczno-kulturalny
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2019
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issue 22
161-164
PL
Recenzja książki: Andrzej Nowakowski, Wadowice w latach 1945-1990. Przyczynek do najnowszej historii miasta, Rzeszów 2018.
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Mniejszość niemiecka w Rumunii. Przeszłość i teraźniejszość

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Koźbiał K.
Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities
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2015
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issue 4
135 – 151
EN
The Germans of Romania are not a single group, this is only purely geographical notion. They are independent groups: Transylvanian Saxons, Satu Mare Swabians, Banat Swabians, Landler, Zipser, Bukovina Germans, Bessarabia Germans and Dobruja Germans. The largest and oldest group is Transylvanian Saxons. They entered this area in response to the invitation of Hungarian King Geza II. Swabians settlers in Banat colonized the wilderness let behind by the Turks during the reigns of Charles VI, Maria Theresia and Joseph II. In the 19th century German settlers come to Bessarabia from Russia. After the First World War Transylvania, the Bukovina, the Banat, Satu Mare and Bessarabia fell to Romania. ey were a number more than 760 000 Germans in Romania in 1939, in 2011 only 37 000. The existence of German population in Romania is seriously endangered by emigration to Germany a^er 1989.In contemporary Romania the Germans are represented by the FDGR-party (the Democratic Forum of the Germans in Romania), which translates into only a single seat in the parliament. This minority plays a significant role in regional elections, one of example is the town Sibiu with Germans
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Nowa publikacja o Zakrzowie. Aneta Rejman, Maciej Malec, Andrzej Nowakowski, Zakrzów. Dzieje szkoły i sportu na tle dziejów wsi, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, Rzeszów 2019, s. 204.

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Koźbiał K.
Wadoviana. Przegląd historyczno-kulturalny
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2020
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issue 23
213-214
EN
The publication about the history of the school in Zakrzow is part of the extensive research of the local community conducted by one of the authors – professor Andrzej Nowakowski. The history of the village and parish was presented against the broader background of the history of education and sports in Zakrzow.
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Polityczne i społeczne konsekwencje zjednoczenia dla wschodnich krajów związkowych RFN. Próba bilansu 30 lat

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Koźbiał K.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2020
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issue 2 (375)
125-142
EN
30 years after the German Democratic Republic was incorporated into Germany, the process of reunification of Germany still seems unfinished. The eastern part of Germany still differs in some respects from the west. The article analyzes the political and social consequences of reunification for the eastern federal states. The conclusions indicate that in terms of specific political behaviour (lower elections turnouts, voting for extreme groups: Die Linke - previously PDS - and now also for AfD, and finally sceptical attitude towards democracy) or social behaviour (negative consequences of permanent unemployment, migrations to the west of the country, deindustrialization) the eastern federal states of Germany are noticeably different from the western ones. In many respects, the area of the former GDR resembles former socialist states in which the process of systemic transformation also took place. It is therefore difficult to assess when the effects of the merger of the two German states will no longer be noticeable. It cannot be ruled out that this process will last for several decades. The study employed the historical analytical method.
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AUSTRIACKA TOŻSAMOŚĆ A WEJŚCIE REPUBLIKI AUSTRII DO UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ W ŚWIETLE PROTOKOŁU NR 10 DO TRAKTATU AKCESYJNEGO Z 1994 ROKU

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Koźbiał K.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2022
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issue 1 (382)
43-55
EN
Austrian national identity fundamentally emerged only in the twentieth century, particularly after the Second World War, although before its onset there were already some symptoms pointing to such a possibility. However, it was the shock of the war that ultimately led to a desire on the part of Austrians to emphasize their distinctiveness from Germany and this became manifest in several aspects. The hypothesis of the article is that through political measures including the status of permanent neutrality adopted by Austria in 1955, it became possible for this country to strengthen its national identity. Linguistic differences, marked by the Austrian variation of German, which is a polycentric language, only reinforced Austrian distinctiveness from Germany. Nowadays, the questioning of this specificity hardly ever takes place. The purpose of this paper is to point out the importance of, above all, linguistic distinctiveness as something that acquired particular significance in negotiations related to Austria’s accession to the European Union. Protocol No. 10 became an annex to the Treaty of Accession, which additionally emphasized Austria’s distinctiveness.
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Direct democracy in the political system of the Czech Republic: Current status and prospects for the future

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Koźbiał K.
Political Preferences
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2018
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issue 21
17-27
EN
Czech experience in the field of referendums is rather limited. Only one nationwide referendum which has been held so far, took place in 2003 and concerned the membership of the Republic in the European Union. The experience of referendums at the local level is incomparably richer: decisions related to environmental matters have gained importance. The greatest interest was raised by referendums on the creation of new municipalities, storage of radioactive waste and elements of radar to be included in the anti-missile shield. It is most probable that referendums will not be used more often than before at the state level in the Czech Republic in the future. This assumption is supported by the lack of such historical experiences as well as the unwillingness of political decision makers. Only local communities often use this kind of opportunity to express their stance on important matters. Significant support on the political scene has been obtained by groups who even call for direct democracy to play a more important role than before in the political system of the Republic. These are not the strongest parties in the Czech Parliament.
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OCHRONA PRAW CZŁOWIEKA WE WSPÓŁCZESNYM LIECHTENSTEINIE. ZARYS PROBLEMATYKI

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Koźbiał K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2018
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issue 4(16)
40-50 (11)
EN
Liechtenstein is undoubtedly one of the countries where respect for human rights is at a high level. The reasons for this should be sought first of all in the decision of this micro-state to join the most important international organizations emphasizing the pro-tection of human rights (UN, Council of Europe) as well as internal regulations that are of an increasingly higher standard. This does not mean that there are no problems or puzzling situations for researchers of the political affairs in this country in this respect. These include undoubtedly the relatively late granting of political rights to women and the actual lack of political rights of persons without the citizenship of the Principality, accounting for 1/3 of the country's population.
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