Search results

1

Święto i Jego Kulturotwórcza Rola / The Holiday and its Role in Culture Creation

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Dyczewski L.

Kultura i Społeczeństwo

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2012

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vol. 56

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issue 4

3-24

EN

Celebrating is a natural attribute of human beings, and holidays are a permanent element of culture. Some scholars even claim that it is celebrating and holidays that fundamentally distinguish man from animals, and also from God. The holiday fulfils various social functions: it is an expression of the alternation and cyclical nature of human life; it gives sense to the life of the individual and society; it brings people together; it is a social tie through history; it is a time of activity, of increased happiness and the substrate of experience; it helps to disperse tension, dissipate conflicts, pass difficult times. Nations and cultures, regions and local cultures are distinguished by their holidays and manner of celebrating. Every holiday has certain permanent formal elements, such as the preparations, timeframe, defined spatial elements, rituals, proper clothing, an organizer, active participation, gifts. Celebrating a holiday is an important part of the social process since it serves to transfer certain content and forms, such as the individual’s roots in the family, local society or nation. Holidays are an important element of social identity and culture - enduring and yet mutable. Celebrating, like many other abilities, has to be learned.

2

The New Structure of the Intensification of the Cultures’ Mobility

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Dyczewski L.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2012

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issue 2.1(20.1)

41-49

EN

The article brings a definition of the structure of intensification of the cultures’ mobility, understood as the connection of the various constituents, which as a whole form the basis of intercultural contact. Learning about other cultures and cultural diffusion, facilitated by the development of the media as well as the ease of the dislocation and, above all, by the phenomenon of deterritorialization of particular components belonging to a culture, can result in a situation when those components become dehumanized. The author of the article points out, that they may again be related to people’s lives, understood and experienced in a new context and a new social space, but only when they are accepted by a society and incorporated into its culture.

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Przestrzenie wzajemnego dopełniania

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Dyczewski L.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2012

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issue 2.2(20.2)

14-24

4

Zmiany w systemie pokrewieństwa i w rodzinie oraz formy pomocy wzajemnej i pomocy państwa

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2010

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vol. 2(38)

119-155

EN

Confirmed by substantial research in recent decades, I consider the following to be as the most essential and most visible changes in the Polish family life: – the spreading of different forms of family life; – changes in the arrangement of family bonds, i.e., domination of the personal bonds; – changes of position and authority in the family, i.e., development of partnership relations between spouses and generations; – changes in the structure of the family; – demographic changes, i.e., a decline in the number of children in the family; – differentiation of family support, i.e., improved adjustment to the needs of specific family categories.

5

Edward Nycz, Dorastanie w przestrzeni społeczno-kulturowej miasta przemysłowego. Studium społeczno-pedagogiczne

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2004

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vol. 32

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issue 1

208-211

6

Telewizja a rodzina: pomiędzy zagrożeniem a szansą

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2000-2001

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vol. 28-29

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issue 1

129-147

EN

Television was very quick to make itself familiar in the homes in all countries. The TV-set has also entered the shopping structure of the Polish family. It has become a necessity. It has modified the structure of the living space and takes a prominent position in it. Also in the structure of family time watching television soon has outdistanced other forms of spending spare time. Television has become an integral element of the Polish family's life. It is perceived as a factor integrating the family by a considerable proportion of Poles. A peculiar style of life with television has been formed and a peculiar television culture of both the weekday and of the holiday is being shaped; or, if defined in a different way, the Polish family is becoming a television family. Television creates a specific context for the family life and performs a lot of functions in it, e.g. supplies information from Poland and from the world; it is a means of spending spare time and “somebody” who keeps company; who plays the role of a “babysitter”, as it absorbs the baby's attention and the parents may have some peace; it is an escape into a world that is different from the one the person lives in and that seems not very friendly, and sometimes even hostile to him; it supplies one with topics and subject-matter for his conversations with the family and at work; it supplies a variety of experiences; it is a means of learning something new. The effect of television on a family may be vast – from determining the family's timetable and shaping family interactions to defining what is good and what is evil. Television greatly contributes to decreasing the amount of time devoted to being together, to exchanging the news about experiences of the day, to talking about the family's achievements and plans for the future. Due to excessive TV watching by all or some members of the family their contacts become loose or do not take place at all. Living “with each other” changes into living “beside each other”. Because of watching too much television the family becomes less familiar and more a “television one”. Television, as well as other media, is an important means of education and socialisation. However, it is not right if the parents hand over their educating and socialising function to it. This phenomenon occurs the more often the less time the parents have, the more busy they are doing their work, and the lower the social status of the family is. The time spent by children in watching television is different depending on the stage of its development. According to polls, in Poland children spend 4-5 hours in front of the TV-set. It is the same amount of time they spend at school. TV-station owners know that children are perfect viewers and so they create special programmes for children. Most parents try to control their children watching television, however, it is rather the programme than the time they supervise. They try to have discussions and explain the programmes to their children, they help them to understand the information and educational programmes. The parents' presence and their discussion with the children cause that even the bad programmes, ones with violence, have a less negative effect on the children. Taking into consideration the fact that television becomes ever more international, that the television space becomes more and more globalised, and the culture propagated by television more and more non-national, excessive and uncritical watching television threatens the identity of the individual family and the Polish family understood in the general sense. Aiming at elimination, or at least lessening the negative effects of television on the family, the family itself, the education system, medial and family policies, broadcasting stations and non-government organisations should undertake a variety of actions. Television and family cannot be perceived as opposite factors but complementary ones. Legislature should go in this direction. Also this is the way heads of television stations, journalists and recipients of TV programmes themselves should see them.

7

Problem unifikacji wzorów osobowych w polskim społeczeństwie po drugiej wojnie światowej

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1984

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vol. 12

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issue 1

223-237

EN

The personal model is a complex of mutually compact life goals, action and behavioural motivations and individualistic features. It is closely connected with values accepted in a given group and with the accepted ideology, its vision of interhuman relations and social structures which the group wishes to realize among its members and in society. Such a personal model is called the propagated personal model. Apart from that one can differentiate between the realized or materialized personal models. This is also a mental construction formed on the basis of the values most appreciated in the group, life goals, most common motivations, behaviour and individualistic features. The realized personal model is thus the most common type of man in a given social group. However, there is always some kind of difference between the two models and the smaller it is the better position is occupied by the propagated model. Personal pattern must be differentiated from the personal model. The former are concrete people who have realized the propagated personal model best and their lives are set to others as examples. The hero is a special type of a personal pattern. He is someone who realized the values and goals defined by the propagated personal model with unequalled passion and devotion. Every group witch has its own personal model also has its heroes - authentic or created by literature, film or theatre. The heroes arouse admiration and fascination with their extraordinary behaviour, bring the values and features of the propagated personal model closer to people and at the same time bind and encourage others to realize this model. With the imposition of socialist system in Poland after the 2nd world war the Polish Workers’ Party, and later the Polish United Workers’ Party, began popularizing the socialistic man personal model. The Party hoped that the socialistic man model would eventually supercede the personal models functioning so far and consolidate the new socialist sociopolitical system in Poland. Until this day, however, the unification of personal models has not taken place. This can be accounted for by the following facts: 1) The strongly strange character of the socialistic personal model in relation to the already functioning models. This strangeness consisted primarily in the complete separation from the transcendent world and giving total priority to the society-state over the person-individual while the existing models in Poland were largely based on religious ideology and gave priority to the individual over the state thus assigning ancillary or serving functions to the state. 2) The socialistic model of man is closely connected with politics and economy, and these often undergo changes, which, in turn, cause shifts in the stressed elements of the personal model. This fact does not allow the complete socialistic model of man to consolidate either in the mind of those who popularize it orthose who remain under its influence. This pertains also to models of behaviour based on this model. 3) The socialistic personal model projected to function in large social groups while man lives in microstructure and in small groups he lives his life. Among young people, who show a tendency to create small social groups, the socialistic model of man is not attractive. This model neglects the whole sphere of inner personal life. 4) The number of people who accept and realize the socialistic personal model is still to small too be followed by young people. 5) It has an insufficient number of heroes, with gaps in their life histories. In most cases the are heroes struggling for the socialist system but one can hardly find such heroes who lived in their system and worked to improve the living conditions in Poland. 6) The young generation of Poles is unwilling to define its attitude to the ready-made personal models and protects itself against forceful imposition of this model. Young people wish to create models themselves basing on different models they can find in their environment, literature and film. 7) In Poland there are numerous small groups possessing their own personal models and effectively protecting their memebers against impositions of other models.

8

Kontynuacja i zmiana w stylach życia polskiego społeczeństwa

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1982

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vol. 10

231-246

EN

The way of life is the total of needs, values, goals, likes and dislikes as well as behaviour characteristic of an individual and of a social group. Social groups only are the transmitters of the way of life. Thus changes in the society decide upon changes in the way of people’s lives. After World War 2nd, in result of exterminations and the repressive policy of the Nazis with regard to certain social groups, in result of the changes in the political system, industrialization, urbanization, and large-scale migration of people a new social structure emerged while some old fashions of living disappeared altogether and some other started to change. Least has remained of the bourgeoisie way of life; considerably more has remained of the way landed aristocracy lived despite the fact that both social groups ceased to exist in Poland. Not even the working class’s way of life has been preserved in its original, pre-war form. However, the peasants', townspeople's and intelligentsia’s ways of life have remained prseerving their ori- ginal forms. Nevertheless they underwent certain far-going changes so that today, they can be labelled as rural, no-townspeople’s, and elite’s respectively. These are already new styles of life but they still constitute a continuation of the ways of life formed in the past. The changes in the ways of life of Polish society during the period of last several years had two tendencies: on the one hand with old fashions of living becoming decomposed the differences between specific ways of life blur and a new way of life for different social groups emerges forming mass society's way of life. On the other hand, however, there grows the number of social groups accompanied by the growth of the differentiation in society’s ways of life. The differentiations appear in the plane of dissimilarity of types, level of education, kina of work, dissimilarity of the environment of origin and place of living. It seems that by no way complete unification of Polish society’s ways of life can take place. Thus, in Polish society of today, we deal with a process of ways of life’s integration towards forming a mass society way of social life. This develops on the basis of a new macrostructure and. at the same time, with the specific individualization of ways of life on the basis of the developing differentiation of social microstructures. It can be presumed that the former process took place until recently and the latter intensifies now.

9

Sytuacja prawna Polaków w Republice Federalnej Niemiec (w latach osiemdziesiątych)

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1994-1995

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vol. 22-23

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issue 1

259-277

EN

Ausländergesetz of 1965, which replaced Ausländerpolizeiverordnung of 1938. Aside to this basic document the explaining legal instructions included in Arbeitserlaubnisverordnung, Verwaltungsrichtlinien, and Ausländergewerblichtlinien were also important. Foreigners could appeal to the basic rights contained in the Constitution, such as the right to choose the place of residence (art. 11), to rally, associate and choose their own profession (art. 8, 9, subparagraph 1, 12), free development of one’s personality (art. 5, subparagraph 1), equal treatment, (art. 3), free expression of their opinions (art. 5, subparagraph 1). In practice the right to protect marriage and family (art. 6, subparagraph 1) was especially critical. In many cases it facilitated the reception of the right of arrival and stay in the Federal Republic of Germany. The paper does not discuss all issues which compose the legal situation of foreigners, including Poles in the Federal Republic of Germany, but is confined to the most essential ones, such as: visa law and right to stay, right to asylum, right to labour, right to vote, that is the socalled communal rights. In the above domain of social life the law, as well as its interpretation and its execution by respective officers, relegates foreigners, including Poles, to disabled groups. This creates for them especially difficult conditions for life and development. This has also other effects, most certainly intended by the lawgivers. On the one hand it restrains Poles from permanent settling in the Federal Republic of Germany; on the other hand it accelerates denationalization of those who has decided to live in a new society. In order to get a chance to develop in it many Poles seek to become Germans quickly to have equal rights in all domains of life.

10

Wartość wykształcenia w nowoczesnym społeczeństwie

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1990

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vol. 18

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issue 1

273-284

EN

The change of the value of education as a factor of social promotion and social equality has been induced by two things: 1) in the modern society which has created a system of learning and education in which everyone who wants to study can do that, education has ceased to be a rare thing; 2) the modern society is no longer interested in a general education but in particular kinds of education; it promotes and elevates individuals who are qualified in technical and economical domains to a higher rank on the social scale. In the modern society there develops and becomes popular a special type of the intelligentsia whom the author calls „the technical and economical intelligentsia”. They know how to accomplish particular ends but cannot give a satisfactory answer to the following questions: what are the effects of their action, what do they ultimately serve, and what significance do they have for man as a spiritual and corporal being. According to J. Habermas these problems cannot be solved by the intelligentsia alone. They need help from the humanistic intelligentsia. However, in view of economy, they create rather weak social groups, yet their importance is great and will increase. They establish a kind of counterculture or rather alternative culture in relation to that which is being formed by technicians managers. The author thinks that humanistic intelligentsia which he calls the intelligentsia of life will become a strong group of influence on both politicians and managers. And it is not the latter, as one thought, in the 1960s and 1970s, but the intelligentsia of life that will have a say in the modern society.

11

„Inteligencja życia” nadzieją nowoczesnego społeczeństwa

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1997

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vol. 25

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issue 1

253-264

EN

Modern society advocates technical-economic-managerial intelligence. It is professionally educated, operative and exploits the development of natural sciences and technique. The technical and economic development in some countries stands in contrast with underdevelopment in some other poor countries and social groups, and in contrast with spiritual-moral regress in the considerable circles of contemporary mankind. This regress is manifested by approval of abortion, euthanasia, social injustice, and misery of many people. Accordingly, it is indispensable to promote the spiritual-moral sphere of man, ethics, higher (non-material) values. Recently a rank-and-file social movement has appeared on behalf of moral revival of mankind, on behalf of the link between freedom and responsibility, social solidarism on the worldwide level and renunciation of uncritical consumerism. That movement is initiated by social groups which can be called „intelligence of life”. Either type of intelligence are necessary for a harmonious development of mankind: technical-economic intelligence cares for material conditions of people’s lives, whereas intelligence of life warns against instrumentalness of the human person, and is seeking a more profound sense of life (referring, among other things, to the Gospel).

12

Rodzina i społeczeństwo

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1991-1992

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vol. 19-20

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issue 1

83-97

EN

The author emphasizes that the family plays one of the central places in the popes' social teaching. Leon XIII in his Rerum novarum accepted the family as the most important social institution which is logically and in fact prior to other societies. Vatican Council II says more about persons who create a family than about the family as a society. The family is described as „a school of more profound manhood” there. John Paul II follows this line of reasoning. His considerations are not focused on the family but on the human person, his versatile development, including marriage and family. The personal development of individuals calls for a perfect co-existence of these two institutions, ie marriage and family. It has far-reaching consequences for the theology of matrimony and family, family law and pastoral practice. It concerns a many-sided preparation of persons for marital-familial life and for responsibility for the fate of these institutions. The author thinks that the evolution of the understanding the family consists in that that Leon XIII takes it rather from the exterior, laying stress on its structural-functional bond. John Paul II, however, takes it from the interior, putting emphasis on the fact that two persons complement each other and thus develop. The author emphasizes that the family is an autonomic society and fellowship of persons in relation to societies, state and other fellowships. It has a claim on many liberal, economic, social and cultural rights. Society and state should have in mind two principles when dealing with the family: auxiliariness and intervention. A duty to support the family lays also on the Church.

13

Sytuacja polskiej ludności w Austrii: pomiędzy diasporą a alienacją

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Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1993

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vol. 21

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issue 1

167-181

EN

In 1990 the number of Poles in Austria could be estimated as follows: about 12,000 people with Polish passports and with convention documents (who have been granted political asylum); about 25,000 people with Austrian passports but speaking Polish; about 45,000 people who already do not speak Polish or whose Polish is very poor but who are conscious of their Polish background and who maintain some kind of relations with Polish culture. In Austria two tendencies are observed towards Poles as well as towards other foreigners: motivating the mechanisms that stop the influx of Poles to Austria and accelerating the integration of those Poles who already live in Austria. Poles do not live in big groups but they are scattered among the natives; nevertheless they maintain fairly lively family and social bonds with each other. They are deeply rooted in Polish culture. They have a strong sense of having bonds with Poland. They uphold the fundamental values of Polish culture. In their family life they maintain observing the basic Polish traditions and holidays. And yet they are also open to the Austrian society and its culture. They want to live in the Austrian society and they perceive it as their children's society. Poles' entrance into the Austrian society is conditioned by many factors, the foremost of them being the law determining their economic, cultural, social and political position as well as the society's attitude towards them as foreigners. The law is the most important hindrance to Poles' entrance to the structures of the Austrian society. There are many regulations, and even more ways of handling matters that do not permit Poles to be treated on an equal footing with the natives, even when they live among them for many years and they have friendly relations with them both in the private and professional spheres. The point is then that they are relatively easily integrated with the Austrian society in the sphere of private life but they are alienated in the sphere of public life. They remain in a sort of intermediate state: between the state of diaspora and that of alienation. This is a difficult situation. It can be changed by accepting the model of cultural pluralism in the Austrian internal policy. Putting this model into effect postulates granting the Polish population in Austria the rights of an ethnic minority. This would guarantee Poles keeping their own culture and a creative life in the Austrian society, i.e. forming the society together with the natives − which means complete integration with it.

14

System wartości w świadomości młodego pokolenia

100%

Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1980

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vol. 8

259-271

EN

Value is understood here .as an object or a state of affairs which is the goal of an individual's aspirations and which satisfies his needs. This is, then, a psychosociological definition of value, the one found most frequently in the empirical studies which are at the base of analyses of the value systems of the young in the 1970s. The present paper only deals with values in the sphere of consciousness and with declared behaviours, which may or may not agree with actual behaviours. The young value most affiliation values and stabilizing values such as love, friendship, happy marriage, respect of others, acceptance, feeling of security. In comparison with the youth of the 1960s, there is increased respect for affiliation values and a more intensive need for security and emotional satisfaction. This results in a stronger tendency to form small informal groups united by interpersonal ties. What the young seek in them is an antidote to the growing institutionalization and formalization of social, economic, political, cultural and religious life. At the same time, however, the groups are an escape from the public into the private world; general problems are abandoned in favour of personal ones. The desire for affiliation values does not cause the young to become retired to their own small groups but induces them also to maintain links with the broader group, viz. nation and motherland. Our investigation does not make it possible to determine the specific content of our subjects’ notion of „motherland”, but it reveals their strongly patriotic attitudes expressed in their readiness for sacrifice, including the sacrifice of one’s life, in defence of the motherland. The young find sense in fight for national liberation even if there is little or no chance of victory. On the other hand, the concept of society is not so close or so intelligible to the young. Their attitude towards society is therefore less active than their attitude towards the native land. An important group of desired values consists of: a „decent” social status and „decent” material position; furthermore, quiet and regular life, free of upheavals and surprises. However, these materialistic desires are not extravagant. In comparison with those of the 1960s they are weaker and more moderate. The desire for material wellbeing and stabilization is to be fulfilled through education and work. Most subjects have an instrumental view of these values, although for some they are autotelic.

15

Orientacja światopoglądowa jako czynnik spójności więzi w rodzinie trzypokoleniowej

100%

Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1976

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vol. 4

151-171

EN

The aim of the paper is to answer two essential questions: - to what extent three generations of the same family share common philosophy of life, and what are the possible differences in this respect;- whether the contemporary Polish family possesses so-called inherited philosophy of life, being able to bequeath the professed values to the subsequent generations. The problems were studied among the three-generation family units in the quickly developing industrial town of Puławy where future Polish society seems to be moulded faster than anywhere else. 128 families with grandparents over 65 years of age and unmarried grandchildren aged 15 to 21 were included in the survey. The obtained results reveal that 86.0 per cent of the contemporary urban population profess religious philosophy of life, such outlook being most characteristic of the eldest generation (95,5 per cent), less characteristic of the middle generation (87,7 per cent), and least characteristic cf the youngest generation (74,8 per cent). In turn, obviously atheistic (6,5 per cent) and religiously neutral attitudes (9.0 per cent) occur most often among young people and least often among the oldest (2.3 per cent and 1.5 per cent respectively). In 41.1 per cent of the investigated families grandparents, parents and children share the religious point of view in the essential problems of existence and sense of the world, man in particular. In these families the three generations profess common religious philosophy of life, which they do not intend to alter. These are units of monolithic outlook, immune to the influence of different views of the world and man. 46.8 per cent of the interviewed families reveal the same philosophy of life, which with very few exceptions is the religious one. Such uniformity of views occurs more often in the eldest and the middle generations than in the youngest and the middle generations, and least often in the eldest and the youngest generations. In the family of this type spiritual bonds between generations founded upon common philosophy of life are weaker than in the families of the first type. Families where each generation holds different philosophy of life constitute the third, least numerous group (4,8 per cent). Families of this type are the most eager to accept new outlooks and new justifications of the outlooks already held. Analysis of the results justifies the following conclusions: - philosophy of life becomes increasingly differenciated in the three-generation urban family;- the younger the generation the higher the percentage of atheists, agnostics and religiously indifferent, and the lower the percentage of confessedly and deeply religious persons;- in spite of differences in respect to status, profession, interests, democratic and liberal attitude to mutual relations, the contemporary urban family reveals fairly common philosophy of life which tends to be religious one;- the urban family wants to preserve common philosophy of life and it tends to bequeath the traditional outlook to the youngest generation; hence, even those young people who oper.ly declare their atheistic or indifferent attitude wish to bring up their children according to the religious outlook prevalent in their families;- comparing the function of bequeathing philosophy of life performed by the family with its other functions such rs reproduction, providing protection and security, etc. one sees that the role of the family in performing the former has changed to a lesser degree than in fulfilling the latter;- in spite of continuous and far reaching cultural changes common philosophy of life shared by the whole family unit has remained intact; many families consciously avoid new views of the world and man different from lo traditionally religious ones.

16

Religijność pokoleń w procesie przemian

100%

Dyczewski L.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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1981

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vol. 9

27-60

EN

The author compares the results of studies of different generations in multigeneration families and presents the process of the differentiation of the total attitude of the generations towards religion. He discovers that the secularization of the rising generation in Polish society does not proceed rapidly but gradually and is conditioned by the secularization of the family environment. However, the process of the secularization of the young leads to a development of religious consciousness among the faithful, whereas religious or. non-religious attitudes are less frequently handed down together with the total culture of the environment; they are more often the result of individual considerations and decisions influenced by the family environment, especially the parents. The young generation are more consequent in their religious attitudes, whereas the older generations are more conformist; their religiousness very often has a cultural character and is based on tradition. Attitudes towards most general principles of behaviour towards other men are almost identical in all generations. Marked differences between the generations appear in relation to some more detailed norms (sexual life, the indissolubility of marriage, attitude toward work and common property). The author also considers the role of the family in handing down religiousness of the successive generations. There are differences in the religiousness of the particular generations but the continuity of religiousness is also well-marked; therefore neither the difference nor the continuity of the religiousness of generations can be treated as absolute.

17

Kulturotwórcza Rola Rodziny

100%

Dyczewski L.

Studia Polonijne

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1989

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vol. 12

39-53

EN

The family as a basic social group plays several important functions in forming man. By putting into practice the cognitive abilities of a child, introducing it into the world of meanings, the family becomes a milieu which is appropriate to form a creative man. The family creates a defined system of values and attitudes which is appropriate to it. This systems is distinguished from the systems of other groups by the fact that it is created on the basics of love. The family is a link of national and cultural identity: it nurses customs, traditions. In it the heritage of previous generations is being handed down. In order to realize the above mentioned values, appropriate conditions are needed, such as: internal, positive atmosphere, lastingness and stability, appropriate standard of living.

18

Diaspora czy integracja Polaków w Górnej Austrii

100%

Dyczewski L.

Studia Polonijne

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1992

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vol. 14

7-52

DE

Diaspora oder Integration der Polen in Oberösterreich Die Zahl der Polen in Österreich ist gering, insbesondere im Vergleich zur Zahl der Kroaten, Tschechen, Slowaken und Ungarn. Ende 1990 kann man die Zahl der polnischen Bevölkerung in Österreich folgendermaßen schätzen: ca. 12.000 Inhaber polnischer Pässe sowie von Pässen anderer Staaten /ausgenommen Österreich/ und Konventionsdokument /Asylanten/; etwa 25.000 Personen mit österreichischen Pässen, die sich als Polen verstehen und polnisch sprechen, zumindest im minimalen Grade, und mit Polen Kontakte haben; ferner etwa 45.000 Personen, die polnischer Abstammung sind, aber fast kein Polnisch sprechen und fast keine Kontakte zu Polen halten. Der Eingliederungsprozess der Polen in die österreichische Gesellschaft ist eine komplexe Angelegenheit und kann folgendermaßen interpretiert werden: Im Licht der individualistischen Handlungstheorie kann der Eingliederungsprozess der Polen in die österreichische Gesellschaft als teilweise positiv bewertet werden. Sie gliedern sich mit einer positiven Motivation und positiven Erwartungen in das neue Sozialsystem ein, haben ein relativ grosses Vertrauen zur neuen Lebenssituation, tragen mit Ausdauer alle vorgesehenen Kosten, lernen leicht neue Situationen kennen und versuchen, sich in die österreichische Gesellschaft zu integrieren. Ihre cognitive Integration ist eher fortgeschritten und auessert sich durch eine recht gute Beherrschung der deutschen Sprache sowie die Kenntnis der Lebenssituationen, Grundsätze und Kompetenzen. Ihre identifikative Integration, die sich vor allem durch die Übernahme der für die Österreicher wichtigen Werte auessert, ist noch in der Anfangsphase. Die strukturelle Integration macht sich durch die gleichen Löhne mit den Österreichern und durch Prestige sowie durch die Partizipation an der Macht bemerkbar und ist in Bezug auf die vertikale Mobilität noch geringer. Sie wird durch objektive und systematische Faktoren gehemmt. Demzufolge haben die polnischen Emigranten bei ihrer Integration in die österreichische Gesellschaft kein Gleichgewicht und keine Empathie, die die unabdingbaren Voraussetzungen dafür sind, dass der Eingliederungsprozess richtig und zum Vorteil der einzelnen und aller Polen in Österreich verläuft. Der Zustand von Gleichgewicht und Empathie tritt bei der persönlichen Orientierung auf andere Individuen und die Gesellschaft, also im privaten Bereich auf. Er fehlt aber in der sozialen Struktur, im Bereich des öffentlichen Lebens. Die polnischen Emigranten leben wie in zwei Welten: in der für sie freundlichen Welt der individuellen Kontakte und in der ihnen gegenüber feindseligen ohne große Schwierigkeiten im Bereich des privaten Lebens; in diesem Bereich integrieren sie sich leicht in die österreichische Gesellschaft. Häufig machen sie jedoch negative Erfahrungen mit Amten und Institutionen. Nur schwer passen sie sich an das Funktionieren dieser Institutionen an. Langsam und mühsam gliedern sie sich in die sozialen Strukturen und in das öffentliche Leben ein. Negativer wird der Eingliederungsprozess der Polen in die österreichische Gesellschaft im Lichte der strukturellen Theorie eingeschätzt. Die Hauptbegriffe dieser Theorie sind Macht und Prestige. Die beiden Inhalte sind Grunddimensionen des Sozialsystems. Macht und Prestige sind einerseits Indikatoren für die Zugehörigkeit des Individuums zu einer bestimmten Sozialschicht und zu dem ganzen Sozialsystem, aber ihre ungleiche Teilung ist andererseits eine ständige Ursache für soziale Strukturspannungen und damit für den Strukturwandel. Die Anteilnahme der Polen und der Machtasuebung und am Prestige im österreichischen Sozialsystem ist sehr gering, was ihre schwache Integration zur Folge hat. Sie werden von den politischen, wirtschaftlichen und kulturellen Machtstrukturen ferngehalten und spielen deswegen bei der Schaffung sozialer Spannungen keine bedeutende Rolle; sie sind daher kein wichtiger Faktor der gesellschaftlichen Veränderung. Mit ander«i Worten sie leben in der österreichischen Gesellschaft, sind aber gleichzeitig in ihr entfremdet. Sie bilden eine Randgruppe, die keinen oder nur einen sehr geringen Zugang zu den Machtstrukturen im Bereich der Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur hat. Man kann sagen, die Polen in Österreich bilden keine typische Diaspora, wie z.B. die Juden, und sie integrieren sich nicht voll in die österreichische Gesellschaft. Diese Integration wird von verschiedenen Faktoren behindert, aber die wichtigste Rolle spielt die österreichische Gesellschaft als Aufhahmegesellschaft selbst. Am besten laeuft dieser Prozess, wenn sich die Innerpolitik der Aufhahmegesellschaft gegenüber der Emigranten auf das pluralistische Kulturmodell gründet. In diesem Fall bilden die Emigranten eine eigene etnisch-kulturelle Gruppe. Sie werden im ganzen Sozialsystem, auch im politischen Bereich, eingegliedert. Ihre Kultur hat den selben Status wie die regionale Kultur der Aufhahmegesellschaft, sie gehört zur Gesamtheit der Gesellschaft.

19

Sytuacja kobiety w polskim społeczeństwie

51%

Dyczewski L., Lachowska B., Lachowski S.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

|

1986

|

vol. 14

|

issue 1

265-308

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