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EN
Polish authorities not only arrested hiding activists of the underground „Solidarity” („Solidarność”) movement but also made an effort to discredit them in society’s eyes. The official press emphasized the weakness of the opposition simultaneously exaggerating threats connected with its functioning. Besides, the „extremists” – as the underground’s leaders were called – were presented as those, who aimed for a confrontation with the authorities in order to take over the leadership of the country. What is more, the opposition was accused of betraying Poland and of going over to the PRL’s overseas enemies. An alleged “Solidarity’s” dependence on those countries was supposed to result from financial support for its activity received from western governments and secret services. In addition to that, “Solidarity’s” members were reproached for popularizing terrorist methods of fighting with the authorities as well as for exploiting patriotic symbols. Polish media were trying to prove that street demonstrations were principal methods of mounting active resistance to the communist government and its politics. Those events were presented in a way that only exposed a rowdy behaviour of the crowds, whereas aggressive actions taken by public law and order services were well hidden. On the other hand, particular strikes organized by the underground were being, as far as possible, ignored, because their existence was in opposition to the image created by a socialist propaganda, according to which the “working class” did not support the opposition. Furthermore, the authorities sought to marginalise a phenomenon of an underground literature by deriding its – alleged – poor essential content and low technical quality. It is difficult to state how far Poles believed in the “enemy’s” image created by the media. Presumably, an “anti-Solidarity” propaganda yielded the best results in small towns and in the country. Simultaneously, there were some social groups such as young people of intelligentsia backgrounds and urbanized “working class” which might have been resistant to its influence. Common stereotypes about the “Solidarity’s” leaders were perpetuated among pro-communist communities and also among some representatives of ruling elites. It resulted in expressing their anxiety at participation of particular opposition’s members in the Polish Round Table Talks.
EN
The article outlines the achievements of an independent publishing movement in the, ruled by communist’s, Polish People’s Republic concerning the pre-war Second Polish Republic. It was advisable that the characters and themes from the history of pre-war Poland were popular among underground publishers and that they were overlooked. At the same time, the article presents a dispute between supporters of the idealized vision of the Second Polish Republic and its critics.
EN
W artykule przeanalizowana została obecność wątków związanych z Marcem ’68 w publikacjach drugiego obiegu wydawniczego. Wskazałem w nim na najważniejsze książki, broszury i numery czasopism, które ukazały się w PRL poza cenzurą i dotyczyły tego „polskiego miesiąca”. Wyróżniłem trzy momenty intensyfikacji debat na ten temat na łamach niezależnych publikacji oraz przeanalizowałem kilka wybranych wątków dotyczących Marca, które były przedmiotem sporów i zróżnicowanych ocen. March ’68 in texts of underground circulation of the Polish People’s RepublicThe article presents an analysis of topics related to March ’69 in Samizdat texts. I have indicated the most important books, pamphlets, and volumes of periodicals that appeared in the Polish People’s Republic outside censorship control and were related to the subject of the Polish March 1968. I have included, among others, books by Jakub Karpiński, Anna Mieszczanek, Anna Siwek, Paul Lendvai, and two special issues of the periodical Krytyka (Criticism). I have distinguished three moments when the debates on the subject in clandestine publications intensified. The first one took place on the tenth anniversary of March, when oppositionists had an opportunity to debate on the subject for the first time. The second one was in 1981, when the “Solidarity” organised a special celebration of the thirteenth anniversary of March. The third one – in 1988 – was a response to the attempted change of narratives about the March undertook by the state authorities. I have analysed several selected topics of March which were the subject of disputes and different opinions: the question of possible provocation that sparked protests, the problem of reaction of Polish people to the antiSemitic propaganda and the policy of the authorities in general, the question of Leftist orientation of the protest participants and the problem of recapitulation of March ’68.
PL
W artykule zestawione zostały dwie książki, będące próbą rozliczenia się polskiego środowiska literackiego ze stalinizmem: Rachunek pamięci pod redakcją Władysława Bieńkowskiego, Heleny Boguszewskiej, Pawła Jasienicy i Jerzego Kornackiego oraz Hańba domowa Jacka Trznadla. W tekście przedstawiono okoliczności powstania obu prac i ich recepcję. Przeanalizowano zamieszczone w nich wypowiedzi pisarzy pod kątem oceny literatury w czasach stalinowskich i ówczesnej atmosfery w środowisku literackim, stosunku do rozliczenia oraz czynników, które decydowały o poparciu dużej części środowiska dla ustroju komunistycznego w tym okresie.
EN
The article compares two books being an attempt of the Polish literary community to settle with Stalinism: Rachunek pamięci (An Examination of Remembrance) under the joint scientific editorship of Władysław Bieńkowski, Helena Boguszewska, Paweł Jasienica, and Jerzy Kornacki; and Jacek Trznadel’s Hańba domowa (Home Disgrace). The study presents the circumstances of the creation of these two books and their reception, together with an analysis of the statements and opinions of writers contained in the text in terms of assessing literature in Stalinist times and the atmosphere in the literary milieu at the time, their attitude to settling accounts with the past and to the factors that determined the support of a large part of the community for the communist system in the period.
PL
The review article deals with participation of independent media in the debate on the notion of Central-Eastern Europe in Czechoslovakia and Poland. Participants of this debate (Polish, Czech and Slovak writers, intellectuals and journalists) symbolically neutralized the cold-war division of the world (iron curtain) and liquidated barriers between socialist countries being the parts of the Soviet empire.
EN
The Polish democratic opposition created a polemical to the official vision of modern history (unmasking white spots such as the Katyn massacre, Soviet repressions against Poles, and the history of the Home Army). The subject of Polish-Jewish relations was also addressed, referring to the negative attitudes of Poles towards members of this minority, including the use of violence. The opposition initiatives related to the history of the Kielce pogrom, which took place in July 1946, were part of this trend.
PL
Polska opozycja demokratyczna tworzyła polemiczną wobec oficjalnej wizję historii najnowszej (odkłamywanie białych plam jak zbrodnia katyńska, represje sowieckie wobec Polaków i historia Armii Krajowej). Podejmowano również temat relacji polsko-żydowskich, odnosząc się do negatywnych postaw Polaków wobec przedstawicieli tej mniejszości narodowej, w tym kwestii stosowania przemocy. W ten nurt wpisywały się opozycyjne inicjatywy związane z historią pogromu kieleckiego, który miał miejsce w lipcu 1946 r.
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