Latinité concept as it was conceived in the 19th-century southern Europe found very wide range of application in Europe and American overseas. Conservative elites of European origin resorted to such imagery matrix above all because it constituted an effective way how to justify various types of dictatorships. Latin America but also Québec and French communities in the USA resorted to the similar concepts as an effective answer to Anglo-protestant dominance in the northwestern hemisphere. Latinité was conceived as a universal and conservative politico-social concept of hierarchical, traditional and corporativist state venerating classical values of Latin nations. This vision had a particular religious and spiritual element, because it frequently referred to Catholic providentialism traditionally linked not just to the conservative dictatorships but also to the overseas colonial expansionist projects. Latinité vision reached significant achievements in form of long- or short-lasting dictatorial regimes both in Europe and Latin America and in the project of French America restoration, too.
Whereas at the beginning of his career Brazilian anthropologist and sociologist Gilberto Freyre researched into his fatherland's cultural identity, later his thought got markedly cosmopolitan features. It was especially in the context of post-World War II world when Freyre's ideas resounded. Even though initially disregarded, forceful impact of decolonization made him visible – particularly his theory of Lusotropicalism – to Salazarist political and intellectual elites for his thought could provide them with longed-for and highly uselful legitimizing myth. Thus, Freyre's scientific theory got rapidly politicized in Portugal and it became part of Salazarist mythology and valuable ally in the search of the new place in the decolonized world. Freyre's theses about specific, i.e. not typically European and not ethnocentric, character of Portuguese colonization became a part of Salazar's official speeches and interviews and was frequently reminded by both Salazarist authorities and anti-Salazarist opposition. Thus, originally scientific and foreign concept was skillfully exploited in international politics and propaganda.
During the second part of the 19th century Iberism acquired importance both as intellectual movement and ideology. This or that form of peninsula integration occupied thinking of Iberian intellectuals at least since the end of reconquista. Spanish and Portuguese dynasties were traditionally intertwined by means of mutual marriages and when, in 1581, Portuguese dynastic crisis took place, peninsular/transatlantic union under the crown of Spanish Hapsburgs was introduced. After the restoration of independence (1640) national traditions and authenticity became favorite topic of conservative Portuguese ideologues (Miguelists, integralists) and symbol of Portuguese identity.
This paper deals with the theoretical concepts of image and imagery as used by the foremost imaginal psychologists. Attributing primary epistemological status to image and imagery, imaginal psychology school developed a new theory of image and imagery, questioning the older thesis on the derivative and secondary epistemological status of the image. Using Jung’s concept of the autonomous psyche of an essentially archetypal nature, Hillman started to question Jung’s concept of the Self as a central archetype symbolizing a sort of disguised traditional monotheism (the Christian God, the Jewish Yahweh etc.) like Freud’s sexuality (id) or central cultural myth (the Oedipus myth). Imaginal psychology defends essential sovereignty and the equality of all images and the resultant polytheist psychology. Jungian studies set out it this direction, giving birth to parallel developments to imaginal psychology in various fields. Derrida’s and Feyerabend’s rejection of an ultimate referential frame was not identical to but corresponds to Hillman’s and Vannoy Adam’s discovery that it is fantasy that rules the psyche.
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