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EN
The aim of this article is to take a synthetic look at Tsarist Russia (from the 17th century onwards) and the USSR through ideas and deeds which marked Russian political thinking and action and involved an intent to extend the influence to other countries or territories.
EN
Russian President is both a political institution of key importance and a distinctive individual of a specific manner of behaviour in his authoritarian rules. In this article I would like to present the role of the President in society with reference to historical heritage and the modern political culture of Russian society. Taking into consideration the fact that public opinion and the media, in conditions of democracy or democratization, constitute basic social mechanism that forms bases and formulas of legitimacy, I have decided that it is merge to join the issues into one. It is the President that I aim my examination at, not the Russian media themselves, the history of their development after 1991, or their ownership structure that governs them. The media will be of interest as long as they are necessary to understand how the President legitimizes his powers, to what extent he is successful, and what scope of success or failure depends on in the legitimacy efforts.
RU
В статье рассматриваются условия, цели и меры внешней политики Российской Федерации. В первой части статьи представлены - как в теоретическом, так и в практическом плане - внешнеполитические детерминанты. В частности, рассматриваются следующие виды детерминант внешней политики: внутренний объективный, внутренний субъективный, объективный внешний и субъективный внешний. Во второй части на примере России представлены интересы и внешнеполитические цели, являющиеся расширением этих интересов. Автор пытается ответить на вопрос о том, как выявить интересы, цели и ценности современной России. В заключительной части статьи представлены - опять же как в теоретическом, так и в практическом плане - инструменты для достижения поставленных внешнеполитических целей.
EN
The paper addresses the conditions, objectives, and measures of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The first part of the paper presents - both in theoretical and practical terms - foreign policy’s determinants. In particular, it addresses their following types: internal objective, subjective internal, objective external, as well as subjective external ones. The second part of the paper uses the example of Russia to present interests and foreign policy goals constituting an extension of these interests. The author attempts to answer the question how to identify the interests, goals, and values of modern Russia. The final part of the paper presents - again both in theoretical and practical terms - the instruments for achieving the foreign policy objectives.
EN
The overall objective of this paper is to outline how president of Russia performs his tasks in the area of security mainly through the specific and politically strong body of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. The result of this analysis is pointing out the role of the people directly managing the armed forces and internal security apparatus in influencing the president. More and more key positions in the country and economy are occupied by FSB people indisputable tendency to fill the sectors that the president considered as the most important with people from the security apparatus. The dependence of the president on the heads of the units forming the coercive apparatus is not the quality obvious only for Vladimir Putin’s presidency; it was also visible in the activity of president Boris Yeltsin, which has for many years escaped the attention of many of the scholars studying Russia.
EN
The difficult and dramatic birth of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in December 1993 does not mean that it is a statute burdened by numerous faults and chaotic as the situation in which it originated. This is quite a consistent constitutional act looking for a strong presidency model, similar to the Fifth French Republic. It is doubtful, however, that, according to an eminent scholar of Russian law, William E. Butler, at that time “enacting of the truly democratic constitution for the first time in Russian history” took a place.
EN
Relations between Russia and the European Union are particularly important in the sphere of the production, transmission and use of energy resources as it is in this field where Russia possesses its key strategic assets, and the European Union heavily relies on supplies of oil and natural gas from this country. Russia wants to be perceived as a superpower by the European Union countries and believes that having such a status will contribute to its further progress. In order to accomplish this goal it should take advantage of its superior position in the field of power industry. In the past, both in the times of czarism and the Soviet Union, Imperial Russia built its status as a world power primarily by using its military potential to expand its territory. We compare this tradition to Russia’s present attitude, the latter is undoubtedly less dangerous and it may become the basis for mutually advantageous cooperation.
EN
After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Romania faced the imminent threat of an escalation of the armed conflict. The geographical proximity of military operations caused this, as the Black Sea location and the self-proclaimed republic of Transnistria located in neighboring Moldova. For this reason, Romania, like other European countries, faced the consequences of the outbreak of war and met economic, political, and military challenges. After the outbreak of war, the Romanian government had to take appropriate steps to help Ukraine and Ukrainian refugees who crossed the border into Romania. Although Romania adopted a distant attitude towards Ukraine, it did not block any aid projects and acted following NATO’s strategic actions. The outbreak of war in Ukraine contributed to rapid changes in the scope of the Romanian army. Several decisions were made to purchase new equipment and strengthen the armed forces.
PL
Wybuch wojny między Rosją a Ukrainą postawił Turcję w trudnej sytuacji. Rząd turecki, który przyjął strategię niejednoznaczności wobec tego konfliktu, starał się utrzymać dobre stosunki gospodarcze z Rosją, jednocześnie udzielając Ukrainie wsparcia militarnego. Polityka Turcji wobec wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej odnosi się do szerszego kontekstu rywalizacji międzynarodowej, w którą zaangażowane są Stany Zjednoczone i Chiny. W tej sytuacji Turcja musi brać pod uwagę wszystkie okoliczności rywalizacji międzynarodowej. Hipoteza naukowa odnosi się do wymiernych korzyści, jakie Turcja czerpie ze stosowania takiej strategii wobec konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego.
EN
The outbreak of the war between Russia and Ukraine has put Turkey in a difficult situation. The Turkish government, which adopted a strategy of ambiguity towards this conflict, tried to maintain good economic relations with Russia while providing military support to Ukraine. Turkey’s policy towards the Russia-Ukraine war refers to the broader context of international rivalry that involves the United States and China. In this situation, Turkey must take into account all circumstances of international competition. The scientific hypothesis refers to the measurable benefits that Turkey derives from applying such a strategy towards the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
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