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EN
The article presents the issues of energy security with regard to center-peripherality theory using Central and Eastern Europe as an example. Until now the subject of energy security has not been discussed in the context of this theory and the author presents the question of peripherality of the region in terms of energy policy. Due to their long-lasting historical, political and economic dependence, CEE states do not possess secure and well-diversified sources of energy supply; in this area they depend on Russia. Moreover, they do not have an appropriate level of technology for investing in the latest and most ecological energy resources typical for the wealthy states of the former EU-15. Thus, their capability to influence the agenda of EU energy policy is lower than those of the EU-15 states. The following article aims to define the factors of peripherality and to examine its influence on the energy security policy adopted by CEE states.
EN
The following paper focuses on the issue of Polish nuclear program and the prospect of its prompt implementation within the framework of the project on strategy regarding Poland’s energy security until 2040. The text also shows the development of this program since the 1950s and discusses types of reactors which could be used in the potential nuclear power plant blocks.
EN
The Common Foreign and Security Policy is one of these areas of the European Union’s activity which arouses wide interest due to the broad spectrum of issues addressed there (i.a. democracy, the rule of law, trade, and issues related to civil, military and energy security) as well as to continuous evolvement of the Policy itself. Thus this area provides an abundance of issues to research on, discuss and assess, while professional diplomats regard it as a vital tool for attaining common goals that are significant from the perspective of a larger whole rather than only that of individual member states. One of such goals is to ensure energy security of the European Union. With this in mind, it is impossible for EU diplomacy to overlook the states of the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, both with regard to their energy resources and geographical location. Is the South Caucasus truly the EU’s natural direction of improving its energy security? Are these countries able to help the European Union diversify its sources of energy supplies? Finally, are the states of the South Caucasus interested in that? These are only some of the questions the following article should answer.
EN
As a result of the annexation of Crimea and the Russian aggression in Ukraine in 2014, the United States as well as other states and international organizations decided to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation. The sanctions were mainly directed against the energy and banking sectors. The following article presents the condition of the Russian energy sector after 2014 with regard to the consequences of the Western sanctions.  
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PL
Ukraine gained independence more than 20 years ago. However, in 1991 the Ukrainian society did not show the readiness to fight for independence and establish a state. With reference to the above, the Ukrainian society – during the initial stage of establishing a statehood – was not involved in shaping principles and a sense of responsibility for their freedom, laws, and the possibility to live in honesty and dignity.Today – almost 23 years after the declaration of independence – Ukraine stands before a real national crisis. The statehood of Ukraine is being questioned not only by our neighbours and “partners” but also by Ukrainians themselves.
PL
This study explores the creation of identities and values and the social production of citizens in a Type II Schola Europaea institution. My analysis focuses on pupils’ patterns of identification and their system of values as are represented in their language use. In this analysis special attention is paid to students’ expressions of their relationship to the EU (European identity creation) and the values connected to the creation of social and political identities of the pupils. The linguistic investigation is performed by corpus-driven systemic-functional analysis of Transitivity processes and Appraisal. Based on Halliday’s system of transitivity 2 and Martin & White’s appraisal theory 3 the corpus-driven systemic-functional analytic approach is proven to be a highly effective instrument in exposing patterns of identification, values and self-positioning 4.Existing only for a few years, Type II Schola Europaea institutions are the latest development in the “Europeanization” of public education and they represent a new object of study. To date, no research has been conducted in this area from the perspective of applied linguistics, nor has any study focused on the “outcomes” produced by Schola Europaea institutions, such as the ways pupils in these schools express their social and political identities in their communication. Thus, the relevance of this research is that it provides new empirical information about the politics of identity construction, the dissemination of values and the potential of these unique institutions to create “European citizens”.
PL
The problem of enclaves/enclaves in the theory of IR opens an interesting field of study, not only because of the actual phenomena and processes accompanying the formation of said entities, but also due to inaccuracies and variances in the very terms in use, especially in the field of public policy. The Kaliningrad Oblast is either an enclave (from the point of view of the EU, NATO, as well as Poland and Lithuania), or an exclave (from the point of view of the Russian Federation). The status of the region as perceived by the Western countries and organisations differs from the Russian standpoint. The Kaliningrad Oblast always would be a region of external influences of the West, an element of their foreign, security and economic policies, while for Russia Kaliningrad is a sphere of its domestic governance, although shaped by many international determinants resulting from its geographical location. This paper is aimed at examining public policy of the EU and neighbouring countries towards the Kaliningrad Oblast in the context of its specific geographical location and legal status. Possibilities of the region’s incorporation in the EU’s neighbourhood is also emphasized in the paper as an important factor affecting the position of the Kaliningrad Oblast.
PL
The article presents three key elements involved in е-participation of citizens in public affairs. Firstly, e-information – information on the government web sites that is of interest to the community. Secondly, e-consultation – mechanisms and tools of online discussion on socially significant problems. Thirdly, e-decision making – the consideration of the contribution of online citizens in the decision-making process, providing continuous feedback. Moreover, the article presents the challenges that rise from implementing them, as well as the benefits that they bring. The most important among these benefits are: strengthening the democratic legitimacy of the authorities, improving the regulations adopted by legislative bodies and decisions made by the executive, more efficient processing of documents and their distribution among the interested parties, and increasing the level of compliance with the established rules.
PL
The article sketches out the development of the EU–Azerbaijan energy relations. It examines energy needs and potentials of these two partners and identifies their main interests. It sums up the main challenges, chances and obstacles for the EU and Azerbaijan related to the strengthening their energy cooperation and illustrates perspectives of development of their energy policies in the nearest future.
PL
The present paper offers an analysis of the attitudes of Polish citizens towards the process of European integration. Two major points can be highlighted, based on the data obtained from various opinion surveys, e.g. CBOS, PBS, ISP, OPTEM, and Eurobarometer. The first one concerns the initial high level of scepticism in Poland about the decision to join the EU. The results of the public opinion polls indicated that Poles had agreed to be the Member State more “under pressure exerted by the course of history and that of the current European affairs” rather than “by an informed choice”. It may well be that due to this scepticism, Poland, as one of the few countries to join the EU, did not experience the socalled post-accession shock. On the contrary, the results of surveys suggested that there was a rapidly growing belief among Poles in positive repercussions of the accession, at least until the time when the effects of the economic crisis began to transpire. The second problem deals with how Poles see themselves as the members of the European Community. The data show that Polish citizens consider the membership in the EU as a fact of life, an existing condition that does not stimulate their action if the affairs are not directly associated with their own interests. That is probably the reason why Poles do not feel co-responsible for the European project. They still see the Union as an organisation that is supposed to bring profit but, at the same time, they do not feel obliged to actively take on responsibilities that follow.
PL
The accession of Poland to the European Union influenced Polish Public Procurement Law significantly. But Poland proved to be a quick learner and created Public Procurement System, governing not only public procurement sensu stricto, but also the award of concession contracts and Public-Private Partnerships, despite of the fact that rules concerning concession contracts and PPPs were absent at EU level. Thus there is no room left for legal uncertainty or any distortions in the functioning of the public procurement market in Poland. But after ten years Public Procurement System in Poland is still changing and will be a subject to major amendments during next two years.
PL
The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The“European poison of thought” expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.
PL
Ten years after Poland’s accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland’s position in the EU is true and our country is indeed “playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.
PL
The article aims to present the current situation in Ukraine through international relations theory that is able to provide the necessary theoretical background to analyse the complex problems that unfold in the contemporary international environment. These problems are analysed through several perspectives including realist, postmodern and socialconstructivist dimensions, as well as from the point of view of classical institutionalism. What is more, on the basis of their deliberations, the authors describe several possible scenarios of the future events, including the strategy of Russia to continue destabilization in Ukraine in order to seize control over its entire territory and the long-term effects of international sanctions on the Russian economy with the possibility of the collapse of the aggressor state. Nonetheless, the Crimean crisis reveals an important fact that, according to the authors, has deep ramifications for the entire international security system – at present, the international community is not able to exert influence on any of the nuclear powers through military means. While other, non-military means of influence can be used, such as broad economic sanctions or political isolation of an aggressor-state, they are not effective immediately thus allowing the aggressor states to violate international law with a feeling of impunity and invincibility.
PL
The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU’s agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP’s reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors’ expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy
PL
This paper presents the way the European Commission (EC) views the European Union’s future and its own future role. It argues that despite the new rules introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon, the EC will not become overly politicized after the 2014 European elections. The paper also outlines the case for political union through a “democratic federation of nation states”, as proposed by the President of the European Commission Jose Manuel Barroso in State of the Union 2012, and discusses the Commission’s proposals for further economic integration in the Eurozone and the EU in general, with special focus on the European Semester procedure and the EU’s new economic governance. The Commission’s projects are then put in the context of predictions about the EU’s future, made by researchers dealing with the subject.
PL
The article is to show the weaknesses of the Ukrainian security sector which, according to the thesis of the paper, result from the lack of decommunization after regaining independence by Ukraine, and from Yanukovych’s policy towards Ukrainian intelligence agencies. Those two factors made infiltration of Ukrainian secret service by the Russians much easier. The article draws on sources such as online and newspaper articles. The aspects explored here are mostly connected with the current military conflict between Russia and Ukraine. By identifying the patterns which governed recent events in Ukraine, it was logical to conclude that Ukrainian secret service is not free from Russian agents, and unless it is reformed, the state will become a victim of its neighbour.
PL
The financial crisis that has affected Europe became a multi-dimension phenomenon. It has caused changes not only in the macroeconomic sphere, but also in the political and social sphere as well as in the labour law area. And so as an example of the great changes in that matter we can see what happened in Portugal, where most of the more recent legislative measures in the area of employment legislation and labour market (as in general in the area of economic policies) assure the compliance with several obligations foreseen in the Memorandum of Understanding, signed in May 2011 between Portugal, the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank. Having all that in mind, author intends to analyze the changes in the Portugal’s labour law caused by the financial crisis.
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