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EN
The process of speech comprehension consists of two large phases: the perception of vocal phenomena corresponding to the system of linguistic signs, and the interpretation of that code system. Both phases are made up by several levels that collectively ensure the decoding of speech phenomena in a regular cooperation with one another. Speech comprehension is an active process whereby the hearer interprets the speech phenomena s/he has perceived at successively higher levels. For that process to work, certain mental representations must be shared by speaker and hearer. The notion 'mental representation' can be understood in various ways; it includes thoughts, ideas, wishes, percepts, conceptions, etc. Specifically 'linguistic' mental representations, on the other hand, are such that they contain linguistically relevant signs and functions of the individual's patterns of knowledge. Certain portions of linguistic mental representations may keep changing or being modified throughout the individual's lifetime. The present paper analyses, in several series of experiments, cases in which objective acoustic phonetic parameters seem to contradict the corresponding mental representations. The aim is to highlight the relationship between articulatory/acoustic differences and the invariant features that underlie them as well as that between mental representations and objective parameters. Four areas are investigated with respect to Hungarian: (a) the production, acoustic patterns, and perception of vowels; (b) the variants of the phoneme /h/; (c) the coarticulatory behaviour of (r); and (d) a phonological rule of coarticulation applying in spontaneous speech. On the basis of the results obtained, the author attempts to answer the question of how the (apparent) paradox of the contradiction between the objective physical reality of speech and its mental representation might be resolved.
EN
Children's first-language perception base and the operative strategies of their perceptual processes take shape gradually from age one onwards. A large amount of research deals with the analysis of children's speech processing; however, this is the first comprehensive study of the speech perception processes of Hungarian two- and three-year-olds (based on 3360 data of 52 children, using seven subtests of the GMP diagnostic procedure). The goal of the present study was to characterize the organization of speech decoding processes, the interrelations of speech perception and comprehension, as well as the strategies children use in them. The analysis proved the existence of a strong top-down decoding process that is entirely different from adults' processes. There were no significant differences across age groups but significant differences were found depending on the individual decoding processes. Children's speech perception shows enormous individual variation. The results are important also in the practice of speech therapy.
EN
Talking is preceded by planning the thought to be conveyed on the one hand, and by assigning a grammatically, phonologically, phonetically, and pragmatically appropriate actual linguistic form to it on the other. Speech planning processes normally take place in parallel, so much so that the speaker is unaware of the individual operations. However, occasional disharmony may arise in them, leading to various types of disfluency that disrupt the natural flow of spontaneous speech. - A self-monitoring mechanism of the speech production process is available during speaking, ready to recognize and repair any faulty messages that may occur. Overt monitoring is responsible for corrections that are observable in speech production. Covert monitoring, on the other hand, takes place at the various levels of speech planning. Temporal patterns in speech help us in locating disfluencies, as well as sites of overt or covert error detection, with high probability. The length of pauses preceding corrections has a predictive function. - This paper surveys some relevant models and then demonstrates the operation of self-monitoring via an analysis of Hungarian data
EN
The realization of the Hungarian phoneme /r/ is commonly identified by the term 'voiced trill'. Acoustic-phonetic investigations, however, have revealed that this phoneme can also be realized in Hungarian as a voiceless trill, a tap, a vocalic consonant, an approximant, or as a voiced or a voiceless fricative. Furthermore, there is a pair of variants not discussed previously: (r) with a schwa onglide or offglide. In Cr clusters, the occurrence of schwa has been found to be more frequent in homorganic than in heterorganic clusters, while in the case of rC clusters, the occurrence of schwa has been found to be more frequent in heterorganic than in homorganic sequences. The realization onglide was found before vowels (in onset position), and offglide before consonants or word finally (in coda position). These facts are explained on the basis of articulatory/aerodynamic principles. The durational data of the /r/-variants show significant interrelations with the phonological positions in which they occur.
EN
Speech production involves a series of processes that operate covertly and cannot be directly accessed. Only their output, speech itself, can be analysed. The collection and investigation of instances of disfluency is an important area of psycholinguistic research since such disharmonic phenomena may yield information concerning the operations that take place in the background: getting to know the causes and courses of speakers committing errors brings us closer to understanding the characteristics of normal processes. In the present study, the authors analyse 1760 segmental-level errors (379 perseverations, 594 anticipations, 401 metatheses, and 386 simple slips of the tongue) and try to find out which level of speech planning is responsible for faulty implementation is each case. What causes errors that can be explained in several different ways? Two assumptions are known. According to one of these, errors can be traced back to planning operations at the phonological level, that is, they precede phonetic planning that is then organised in terms of the faulty phonological pattern. In the other view, impeccable phonological operations are followed by defective phonetic planning that is responsible for the actual errors; in this case, then, we have to do with a simple articulatory implementation problem. The results of the present study confirm the view that segmental-level errors are committed in the phonetic, rather than phonological, planning process. This is connected to the fact that articulatory implementation is the most vulnerable phase of speech production. This may be due to the fact that the least amount of attention is devoted to articulation, this being the most automatic and most well-rehearsed part of the whole process. Further investigations are required to determine the kind of interaction that these operations maintain with the other levels of speech production planning while the individual disfluency phenomena come into being.
EN
Most characteristics of language use are continually changing as time goes by. Studies describing linguistic change have so far largely ignored the area of speech planning processes and their observable consequences in spontaneous speech. In the present paper, disfluency phenomena were analyzed in two corpora recorded half a century apart. Present-day speakers' spontaneous speech is significantly more interspersed with disfluency phenomena (a total of 1754 occurrences in our data) than that recorded fifty years ago (568). Statistical analyses have revealed that hesitations, repetitions and error-type phenomena occur significantly more frequently with present-day speakers. In the earlier speakers' speech planning processes, the operation of lexical processes ran into more difficulty, whereas present-day speakers had more problems with finding the appropriate grammatical and phonological structure as well as with the monitoring of their transformations of thought into linguistic material. Underlying the differences observed in the occurrence of the various disfluency phenomena, an increasing amount of information that speakers now have to handle and their altered communicative needs can also be detected.
EN
Children's speech perception strategies, together with speech production, start developing from the very beginning of language acquisition. In the case of children exhibiting usual (normal) qualitative and quantitative changes, no dissociation is assumed between speaking and speech processing. However, observational data show that children's speech production may go on working properly for quite some time even if there is some hidden impairment in their speech processing abilities. This usually leads to learning difficulties and restricted cognitive operations. Little is known, furthermore, about the expected age-bound working of speech processing performance or indeed about the line of development and its characteristics. In a series of experiments, the authors have sought answers to a number of questions: (i) What level do the speech perception and comprehension processes under scrutiny reach between ages 4 and 9? (ii) What interrelationships do they exhibit? (iii) Exactly how can the fact of development be pinpointed? Test results of a total of 600 children (altogether over fifty thousand data) have been analysed with respect to speech perception and speech comprehension processes. The results have confirmed a particular cooperation among the individual perceptual processes: development can be accounted for in terms of a decrease of interconnections among various types of processing. The older the child is, the more pronounced the mutual independence of perceptual processes is, and that is what underlies the proper functioning of the whole mechanism.
EN
The effects that speakers' disfluencies make on the listener are rather complex; in other words, the perceptual mechanism of the listener reacts to disfluencies in a very peculiar manner. That mechanism is able to rectify speakers' disfluencies without the listener noticing. This is an incredibly fast process, given that while the mechanism carries on interpreting the incoming waveform as a series of linguistic segments and suprasegmental features; it immediately starts searching the listener's mental lexicon for the appropriate lexemes. At the same time, it is ready to receive and process erroneous messages, as well. The authors have designed an experiment to learn more about that unconscious process of correction. They wanted to find out how and with what results the correction process takes place. Five instances of disfluency in nine categories (a total of 45 items) have been tested with the participation of 20 university students (studying in the faculty of arts). The results show that the time span of corrective processes depends on the type of disfluency, the context, and the listener (the reaction times of males were significantly longer than that of female subjects). The higher operational level the production error involves the more time is required for correcting it. On the basis of the analyses performed it can be assumed that the perceptual mechanism uses one and the same set of corrective operations in amending its own perceptual errors and in correcting an erroneous incoming signal.
EN
In Hungarian, as in other languages, simple verbs are often replaced by analytical constructions using a deverbal noun derived from a simple verb and a semantically depleted 'delexical' verb. Traditional language cultivation holds that such constructions are alien to the spirit of the language: they come from other languages through translation. It is also claimed that analytical constructions are more difficult to comprehend than simple verbs, and are only used by people who are lazy to think and talk straight. However, the Handbook of Language Cultivation concedes that some analytical constructions are acceptable, some have no single-verb alternatives, and some 'sound' downright good. From a descriptive point of view we wish to raise two related questions. Can the opinions described above be supported by more than subjective judgement? Can it be shown by quantitative analysis that translations, indeed, are responsible for the infiltration of analytical constructions? Second, can it be supported by psycholinguistic evidence that the constructions ostracized by purists do indeed interfere with comprehension, while those labelled as acceptable or recommended do not? What is the cause of the proliferation of analytical constructions in certain texts and situations, apart from the traditional explanation that people are lazy to talk straight? The paper reports on two studies. The first study does not find evidence that translated texts contain more analytical constructions than original Hungarian texts. The second study, aimed at exploring the processing of analytical constructions vs. simple verbs finds that analytical constructions marked as unacceptable by language cultivation are indeed more difficult to process than simple verbs.
EN
In speech, linguistic signs that the speaker wants to convey have to be produced in an order that is both appropriate to the intended content and formally acceptable. Therefore, speech planning has to proceed ahead of actual articulation. If this were not the case, speech could not be fluent. However, due to that asynchronicity of planning and execution, the speaker may inadvertently anticipate a linguistic sign that was intended to come later and pronounce it at an earlier point (that is, commit an ordering error known as anticipation). In the present paper, the authors have studied a total of 650 instances of anticipation taken from two corpora: a speech material consisting of slips of the tongue reduced to transcription on-line, and a 13.5-hour-long tape recording of spontaneous speech. They have analysed the properties of the utterances containing anticipation errors, as well as the distance of anticipation in each case. Misplaced linguistic items are mostly speech sounds or sequences (fragments of words); also, to a lesser extent, whole words or affixes; differences between the two corpora are significant in that respect. The speaker is capable of planning a higher number of linguistic signs ahead of pronouncing them than the listener is capable of recalling when recording the error in writing.
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